Altaistika i archeologija

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1. Verfasser: Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- (VerfasserIn)
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Sprache:Russian
Veröffentlicht: Moskva Inst. Tjurkologii 2011
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adam_text ALTAIC STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY (SUMMARY) The "Altaic language family" is a term used by linguists to refer to three groups of languages of related typology (Turkic, Mongolie and Manchu-Tungus) together with Korean and Japanese while research into these languages is called "Altaic Studies". There is such comprehensive, diverse and multilayered linguistic evidence of the commonality of these languages that it should be viewed as a proven fact of the validity of the Altaic theory. However, linguists do not agree about the nature of this commonality and the time and location of its origins. Even those like-minded researchers who accept the intrinsic closeness of the languages (the Altaic hypothesis) date the disintegration of the parent language differently — ranging from the beginning of the 2nd century ВС to the 1st, 2nd, 3rd or even 10* — 8th millenniums ВС or as early as the Paleolithic Age. The undated Altaic period is followed by the "Hunnic" period (starting in the 3rd century ВС) which is directly linked to the political history of Central Asia currently in use. We see that Altaic Studies lack their own techniques of both absolute and relative dating of inner processes. Consequently, it is impossible to correlate the reconstructed stages of language development and their links with particular historical events of the pre-literate period with any degree of accuracy or certainty. Some major linguists have denied the common origins of Altaic languages. They explain their commonalities by their ancient character and the closeness of interaction between peoples. This interaction led to large-scale borrowings of previously uncommon speech elements from one language into another. Thus, while developing this subject we need to differentiate between the Altaic theory and the Altaic hypothesis. The need to identify the stages of deve¬ lopment over time and space and to explain the current linguistic unity through history gives birth to the Altaic issue. As attempts at solving the issue through linguistics led to the formation of two conflicting tendencies it seems relevant to resort to data outside the scope of linguistic theories. When referring to the past this is archaeological evidence above all. The Altaic hypothesis in Russia has seen some intensive development over recent years. One of the most important objectives is to identify the position of the Turkic and the Proto-Turkic languages taking into consideration the 242 high degree of their influence on the Mongolie and Manchu-Tungus groups of languages and the fact that their linguistic data from Asian runic inscriptions goes back to earlier times. Comparative historical research published by the Institute of Linguistics of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (presently the Russian Academy of Sciences) since 1984 including a vocabulary study (published in 1997) made it possible to compile a description of the terri¬ tory and the ancient and primeval culture of the Turkic peoples. However, attempts at finding the ancestral land and tracing the ancient migrations and contacts of the Turkic peoples proved to be totally dependent on theories by historians and linked to political events of the early Middle Ages all the way up to the 10th century. This dependence became obvious in several chapters of the final volume of the series (2006) which limited the options for Proto- Turkic origins to Ordos or the Huns of the Central Asia only. Still no sources for a justified identification of their linguistic affiliation were cited (Chapter 1). Some random vocabulary items preserved in Chinese language writings dating from different periods of time should not be used as a basis for re¬ sponsible and clear-cut conclusions. The famous saying by the magician Fotu Deng featuring in "Jin shu" does not only date back to a later time (328), which makes it incorrect to use its speech characteristics to refer to the time of the birth of the Hunnic state (the 3rd century ВС), but was even originally said in the language of the Jie people who were distinct from the Huns proper m their anthropological type. Today we are able to correlate the points of the Altaic hypothesis with archaeological evidence. The most ancient remains of definitely Turkic origin have only been found in the Sayan-Altai uplands. Not being indigenous they were brought there in the 2nd — 1st centuries ВС and led to the development of new archaeological cultures (the Tashtyk and Shurmak cultures in the middle and upper course of the Yenisei River). In their turn these cultures determined the medieval local development of a number of succeeding cultures: the ancient Khakass culture (ancient Kyrgyz) — the Chaatas; the Tyukhtyaty and Askiz cultures (the 6* — 17th centuries); the Turkic peoples in Tuva — the Chicks (čiks) and the Turks. The Turkic nature of these cultures is proved by their links with the Yenisei runiform writing and by the fact that this medieval cultural basis gave rise to the contemporary Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia. Apparently the most archaic and stable characteristics of any material culture are evident in the forms of its dwellings. That is why in the search for Proto-Turkic distinctive features close attention was paid to the types or Southern Siberian dwellings (Chapter 2). Three types of stationary above- ground dwellings are known to the ethnography of the indigenous peoples ot the Sayan-Altai uplands. They are most fully represented in house construction by the Khakass and go by the names of tura, alachikand ib. Which of these were 243 familiar to the indigenous cultures of the early Iron Age prior to the advent of the Turkic people and which were introduced by them and were elements of their culture? Our research yielded the following results. The tura dwelling was a square-form timber house with a log frame or pil¬ lars with a flat roof and a daub hearth of the fireplace type to the side of the entrance and benches along the walls (Figures 1, 2). The vaulted graves of all archaeological cultures of the early Iron Age in the Sayan-Altai uplands are replicas of such dwellings: the Pazyryk culture in the Altai region (Figures 3-5), the Tagar culture in Khakassia (Figures 6-8), the Uyuk culture in Tuva and north-western Mongolia. Thus, this type of dwelling was characteristic of Pre-Turkic peoples (possibly Samoyeds and Ugrics). With the arrival of the Turkic peoples and the Turkicization of the autochthons the tura dwellings were preserved together with other substratum features. Such dwellings existed in Khakassia in the 1st century ВС — the 1st century AD as observed in the Tasheba settlement and also in the 1st century ВС — 5th century AD as reflected in the Tashtyk vaults (Figures 10-11) and in the Chaatas culture tumuli (the 6* _ early 9th century) (Figure 12). The alachik dwelling was a conical pole structure with a hearth in the middle (Figures 13, 14, 16, 17). Traces of such dwellings were unearthed at the sites of settlements dating from the 3rd — the 1st centuries ВС. It is probable that the Boyarskaya painting (Khakassia, the 2nd — 1st centuries ВС) features an alachik (Figure 15). The cult significance of such structures in the wedding rites of the taiga peoples (Figure 18) and a wide ethnographic range of such dwellings in the mountainous areas of Southern Siberia make it possible to consider them Pre-Turkic. The ib dwelling was a square, circular or polygonal construction (Figures 19-21, 23-30, 33, 34, 40). Ib dwellings were timber pole (Figure 22, 2) or log cabins (Figures 22, Л 3, 4) and had bark or birch-tree bark roofing. These dwellings had tall pyramidal roofs of either conical or pyramid shapes. The hearth was in the middle. Ib dwellings were familiar to all Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia and to western Buryats (Mongolized Turks) (Figures 31,32). Ib dwellings are depicted on the Boyarskaya paintings (Figures 35-39), were found in the Tashtyk settlement (Figure 41), they were recreated in stone in the tumuli of the Chaatas (Figures 42, 43) the Tyukhtyaty and Askiz cultures (Figure 44). Pillar ib dwellings were found in the memorial constructions of the Turks of the 6*— 8th centuries in Tuva (Figures 45, 46). Early medieval Chinese historians wrote about ib dwellings in Southern Siberia. Thus, polygonal structures with pyramidal roofs and a hearth in the middle are the only type of Sayan-Altai dwelling which can be traced to the Turkic new¬ comers at the start of the Common Era. It was this type of dwelling that served as a prototype for a portable felt yurta (to state the opposite would be errone- 244 ous) The common forerunner of the stationary (Figures 47, 4, 5) and portable dwellings (Figure 47, 6) was the turluk frame house with faceted or circular wattle walls in one row covered in clay (Figure 47, 2) or in two rows with fil- hng (Figure 47, 3) (their types are familiar to archaeology and ethnography). The turluk forms themselves originated from circular adobe houses (Figure 47, 1). Evidence is found in the etymology of some words in the runic writings: bafyq ~ "city", balyqdaqy — "citizen" from bal — "sticky clay" (balyq re¬ ferred to clay as late as the 11* century); toi or ton — "city, residence, camp" from toi/ton — "clay"; toqy- — "put up, erect (walls)", initially "to beat, to ram" relates to daub construction. The common root "model out (of clay)" is hkely in such verbs as iap- — "build, make, create" and iap — "apply, stick". The word qurgan — "regular construction" correlates with the verbs qur- — regulate" and qur ----- "build, construct". The same is true for some ancient military words originating from oasis irrigation symbols: sü buk- — "gather army" and sü aq ----- "move army" (the exact meaning of the verb bük- is "dam, block" and aq- is "flow, run"). Adobe construction (Figure 47,1) is typical of treeless areas. The subsequent turluk and pillar stage (Figures 47,2, 3) is found in forest-steppe zones and the last (pillar and log cabin stage — Figures 47,4, 5) is common in forest-steppe and mountainous taiga. Thus, the evolution of the dwelling types reflects the movement of Turkic peoples through different landscapes from south to north. According to archaeological evidence these migrations had completed by as early as the 3rd — 2nd centuries ВС. The Sayan-Altai tradition of erecting a son's house to the north of the father's dwelling is reflected in the layout of the ancient Khakass (Kyrgyz) aristocratic graves of the Chaatas type (Figures 48,49). However, the same is found in the early Iron Age tumuli in Altai (Figures 50-54), which does not make it possible to consider this characteristic a distinctive feature of ancient Turkic peoples. Before we come up with a comparison with Proto-Turkic dwellings we need to identify the specifics of the settled culture of the Huns of Central Asia (Chapter 3). Their stationary settlements reflected their land farming and metalworkmg occu¬ pation (Figures 55,56) and were built according to a regular plan with a dominant southern orientation and were divided into square quarters (Figures 57, 60-63). Doors of both palaces (Figures 58, 59) and ordinary dwellings (Figure 63) all faced the south. The mountainous valleys with Hurmie grave fields (Figures 64, 65) and aristocratic vaults (Figures 66-68) were open to the south. The dominance of the southern orientation was not an influence of China. Cities (Figure 69), impe¬ rial (Figure 70) and other graves (Figures 72,73) and burial grounds (Figure 71) of the Western Han dynasty were orientated from west to east. The Pre-Turkic house construction culture described in Chapter 2 has no common roots with Hurmie culture as stationary dwellings of the latter were 245 sunk into the ground (Chapter 4). This type of building is well researched m Buryatia. The Hunnic dwellings were identical in settlements of different cha¬ racter and layout; they were the same in fortified (Figure 63) and non-fortiiied settlements (the Ivolga and Duryony settlements). The foundation pits of dwel¬ lings had the form similar to that of a square (54 foundation pits were excavated in the Ivolga settlement alone) with sides oriented according to the cardmal points. The main element of décor in a dwelling was a Г -shaped bench — kang running along the northern and western walls of the house (Figures 74-/0)· There was a heating channel inside every kang. The dwellings were of frame and pillar type with daub or cob brick walls. Archaeology expands on the la¬ conic comments of the Han Dynasty chronicles. According to the Japanese authors, kangs in Hunnic houses were mentioned in "Qian Han shu . Ha - dugouts were common neither to the Chinese nor to the people living m e Sayan-Altai uplands invaded by the Huns. , In the Modern Age it was evident that the kangs were of truly Mancnu- Tungus cultural signs as they were typical of the peoples living in the Amu River region and Northern China. However, kangs were also familiar to t e later Mongols (the Daurs) and those living in the 13th — 14th centunes, une and the same type of dwelling was used in Mongol cities all across the empir from Transbaikalia to Moldova; these were square frame dwellings without a foundation. Solid clay benches with an inner two-channel heating system ran along the three of the walls (Figure 77). Kangs were used in the Golden Hora houses both in above-ground dwellings and in dugouts. They usually oc^f just one or two sides of the П -shaped benches sometimes with one heating channel inside (Figure 78). The classical П -shaped kangs existed in Sarai a well. The existence of houses with kangs proves that the Mongols coming Europe were great in numbers and that there were builders among ш^т, some Golden Horde cities they preserved the Central Asian form of bncks m У built their houses of. The construction of houses with kangs in the 13th-14th centuries goes back to the settled culture of lhe Mongol peoples of the ancient times. The issue has not bee thoroughly researched by archeologists yet, but even the steppe way of life ot Mongols failed to make them give up the techniques of ancient house construção and the habit of a settled lifestyle. As late as in the 12* century the Mongols con¬ structed wooden benches in the form of kangs in their felt yurtas heated by centra open hearths thus preserving the old interior. It is not uncommon to find uaoaa- tion on kangs used by the Khitan people in the 10th — 12th centuries. HoWf^ we do not have any exact data proving this fact as their settlements and sites na not been unearthed yet. When the Bohai kingdom was conquered some parts о where kangs were traditionally used were surely integrated into the Khitan ешри_· It is highly likely that the Bohai neonie fthe Mnhe and the Koguryo (Gogurye ) 246 peoples) came across the kangs of the Khitan people and the Northern Chinese. In the search for the Proto-Mongolian kangs we need to trace the roots of U-shaped benches heated through double channels and not just any heated benches. The wide straight kangs in round and square houses with conic roofs are still used in Inner Mongolia. It is no coincidence that the under-floor heating of felt yurtas still has a П -shape and double heating channels. There is plenty of information on the history of kangs used by the Man- chu-Tungus peoples of the Amur River region and Primorye. Quadrangular half-dugouts with kangs were found in the settlements of the Duchers in the middle course of the Amur River; the Manchurians had П -shaped kangs with 4-5 heating channels while the Chinese had straight kangs running along two walls of a house heated by two stoves. Dwellings sunk into the ground were common in the region of the middle course of the Amur River starting from the Neolithic Age until the late Middle Ages. There were no kangs in them inclu¬ ding the houses of the Mohe people. They were introduced into the culture and they were found in just one of the two types of dwellings of the local groups of the Mohe culture (the indigenous Naifeld culture in the lower course of the Amur River in the 4th — 9th centuries and the introduced Troitskaya culture, the 7th — 12*/13th centuries) as well as in one type of dwelling in the neighboring culture of the Amur Jurchens. The earlier dwellings of the Poltsevskaya culture are also indicative. This culture existed in the middle course of the Amur River m the 8th— 3rd centuries ВС and spread to the lower course of the Amur River and Southern Primorye in the 1st — 3rd centuries where it borrowed the idea of П -shaped kangs in the first half of the 1st millennium AD. The spread of kangs in the Amur River region is frequently explained by the Manchurian and Chinese influence. But we should not neglect the dif¬ ference in the appearance of kangs. These were usually of the П-3-2 type, sometimes Г-3146. The kangs sometime ran along the fourth wall too in the houses of the Nanais and the Ulichs. The fact that there is common terminol¬ ogy both for kangs (пакет', nakhan', nakan, nagan among the Manchun- ans and the Negidals, nakan, naka, nakha among the Nanais, the Uhchs and the Orochs) and their parts proves the ancient nature of kangs. This also in¬ cludes the Nivkh nakh, nakn, the Southern Mongolian lakha and the Chinese ka"g— traces of the Manchu-Tungus influence. The words used in ™orye to refer to kangs belong to an earlier period of time; they even predate ше Manchu-Tungus usage. . . a . The Chinese authors considered the kangs of the Jurchens (as the word Jcang toelf) to be truly local and drew attention to their П -shape. According to the archaeological data, it was the spread of the Jurchen culture that made kangs T^PUrth— he text for the sake of brevity the fonn of ,he kangs is marked by Г, П, I and I! reflect their look; the number of knags is given in Arabic numerals. 247 common in the Far East, including China. By the 12th— 13th centuries the T-shaped kangs were substituted by the П -shaped kangs with even 5 sections going to the door in two elbows. The two channels were frequently substituted with three and more, the kangs become wider; the number of furnaces and channels-smoke ducts became larger (Figure 79). The old single-channel kangs were still used. The warm benches in the form of earthen ledges and a sunken floor reveal the initial connection between kangs and dugouts. The half-dugouts and above-ground dwellings were only heated by hearths in the early history of the Bohai kingdom (698 — 926) and kangs of three types were used at a later time; they were П- and Г -shaped with 1 or 2 heating chan¬ nels and I- shaped with 3 channels, that is all types of kangs used to the east of the Big Khingan Ridge were utilized. The Г-1 kang of the Bohai kingdom and the Poltsevskaya culture of the 4* — 7th centuries AD (where the earthen kangs were not unfamiliar) goes back to the tradition of the Southern Primorye and the north-east of Korea of the 5* century ВС — 2nd century AD (Figure 80). The kangs of the Krounovs- kaya culture dated to the same period of time were more diverse than those of the Huns: the Г- 1-2-3 and П -types of kangs which the Huns lacked. The latter were also common in the Poltsevskaya culture which sometimes succeeded the Krounovskaya culture in the same settlements. In "Han shu" single channel kangs of Manchuria were mentioned. The Г-1 kangs were found in the Fenglin settlement of the Gungtuling culture (the Lower Songhua River, the 3rd —ƒ centuries). Thus, the origination of the kangs is linked with both the Krou¬ novskaya and the Thesonri cultures (Korea) and the Upper Xiajiadian culture (Manchuria) dating from the same historical period. The I- or the Г -kangs were commonly found in the 4th — 7th centuries dwellings in Koguryo discovered during the excavations based on information from "Tang shu". From the Neo¬ lithic Age to the 18th century half-dugout were typical dwellings on the Korean Peninsula. Rudimentary kangs were first found there in Neolithic dugouts. No data on this type of heating during the Bronze and early Iron Ages was found. However, it is significant that it was not the under-floor smoke ducts (ondols) indigenous to Korea but the above-floor kangs whose origin is traced to ѕегш- recessed dwellings that were used in the northern part of the country in the ancient times and in the early Middle Ages. In the dwellings of the Yankovskaya culture of Primorye of the early Iron Age there was evidence of benches not kangs which were also absent in the Bronze Age sites. However, some heating smoke ducts of the mid 3ri — rnM 2 millenniums ВС were discovered in the lower course of the Amur River (Suchu Island); the clay covered wooden structures channeled the heat from the hearth in the circular dugout of the Voznesenskaya culture. The form of the dugout followed the tradition of the 6* millennium ВС with earthen beds along the 248 walls. Still such early structures should not be taken for kangs as they were not heated beds and most of the heating was produced by the hearth in the center of the dwelling. But it seems the idea of the heating channels was local. Various systems of under-floor heating should not be confused with kangs (for example, the heating channels in Kazakhstan which lead from tandyr stoves to corner pipes similar to fireplaces — Figures 81, 82). While looking for distinctive founding features of the interior of dwellings where kangs were traditionally used it should not be forgotten that square form dugouts with rounded corners in the lower course of the Amur River and Pri- morye take their roots in ancient Paleoasiatic houses preserved by the Nivkhs. They typically featured the П -shaped benches as well. When these houses were supplanted by fanzas with kangs during the Modern Age it did not affect the interior design. There is evidence from Far Eastern artifacts that beds which first originated in dugouts in the form of earthen ledges turned into benches in above-ground dwellings. The evolution of the heating system took place within the established design. So the available data suggest that kangs were introduced over a vast but quite distinct cultural zone stretching from the Korean Peninsula and Eastern Manchuria to the lower course of the Amur River. It is likely that kangs were not indigenous to the Manchu-Tungus and Mongol dwellings. They might have arrived in Primorye and the Amur River region in their Г-1 form during the Hurmie period from the Paleoasiatic South-East. The historical credit given to the Manchu-Tungus and Mongol peoples is that they promoted kangs across Eastern, Central and Middle Asia of the medieval times. One way or another the archaeological evidence separates the Huns from the cultures of Turkic peoples making them closer to Manchu-Tungus-Mongol and Paleoasiatic worlds in terms of a significant cultural indicator—the look of their dwellings and the way they were heated. Some significant characteristics of Hunnic economy supported by archaeological evidence also belong to the Far Eastern circle of cultures, namely, pig breeding and breading dogs for meat, the use of cast iron and bronze alloys of tin and lead. Apparently it is not in Ordos but to the east or south-east of the Big Khingan Ridge that the ancestral homeland of the Huns should be looked for. . . A more significant conclusion should be made: the available archaeological evidence mostly disproves the idea of the initial unity of the TurkicpeopleswM the Mongols and the Manchu-Tungus. Archaeology here takes the side.of Їюв linguists who see the commonality of the Altaic languages as a result ot interac¬ tion but not their historical common origins. ,.,, . The Ural-Altaic linguistic community used to be subdivided «to two independent ţroups, the Uralic and the Altaic. Now we¡see Potential division of the roots of the Altaic language family into two 249 dent parts. The initial isolation of the Turkic group from the Mongol-Tungus. group is proved by both historical and linguistic data and archaeological evi¬ dence. This approach leads to a different view of the initial stages of the history of the Turkic peoples, the location of their ancestral homeland and its ethno- cultural environment. The Turkic languages and cultures whose long history of development may now be freed from the hypothesis of their Altaic ancestry deserve to be studied on their own and compared with other language families thus acquiring the right to be seen as distinct from the Mongol-Tungus-Manchu correlations. It is obvious that the issue of the Turkic ancestral land is not directly linked to either the Altaic hypothesis or the Altaic theory. It should be treated on its own in the future.
any_adam_object 1
author Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951-
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geographic Altai (DE-588)4001377-7 gnd
geographic_facet Altai
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illustrated Illustrated
indexdate 2025-01-02T16:58:02Z
institution BVB
isbn 9785424500015
language Russian
oai_aleph_id oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025311170
oclc_num 815947934
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owner_facet DE-12
physical 251 S. zahlr. Ill., Kt.
publishDate 2011
publishDateSearch 2011
publishDateSort 2011
publisher Inst. Tjurkologii
record_format marc
spelling Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- Verfasser (DE-588)1148592849 aut
Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov
Altaic studies and archaeology
Moskva Inst. Tjurkologii 2011
251 S. zahlr. Ill., Kt.
txt rdacontent
n rdamedia
nc rdacarrier
PST: Altaic studies and archaeology. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Geschichte 500 v. Chr.-1500 gnd rswk-swf
Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 gnd rswk-swf
Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 gnd rswk-swf
Altai (DE-588)4001377-7 gnd rswk-swf
Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 s
Altai (DE-588)4001377-7 g
Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 s
Geschichte 500 v. Chr.-1500 z
DE-604
Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025311170&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951-
Altaistika i archeologija
Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 gnd
Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 gnd
subject_GND (DE-588)4066772-8
(DE-588)4102045-5
(DE-588)4001377-7
title Altaistika i archeologija
title_alt Altaic studies and archaeology
title_auth Altaistika i archeologija
title_exact_search Altaistika i archeologija
title_full Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov
title_fullStr Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov
title_full_unstemmed Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov
title_short Altaistika i archeologija
title_sort altaistika i archeologija
topic Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 gnd
Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 gnd
topic_facet Wohnungsbau
Oiroten
Altai
url http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025311170&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv AT kyzlasovigorʹleonidovic altaistikaiarcheologija
AT kyzlasovigorʹleonidovic altaicstudiesandarchaeology