Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb

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1. Verfasser: Kalc, Aleksej (VerfasserIn)
Format: Buch
Sprache:Slovenian
Veröffentlicht: Koper Univ. na Primorskem, Znanstveno-Raziskovalno Središče, Založba Annales 2008
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Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_ 1819742699724472320
adam_text Kazalo Predgovor /11 Zahvale / 15 Nastanek emporialnega Trsta in vprašanje prebivalstva v tržaški historiografiji /17 Trst na prizorišču evropske urbanizacije / 33 Evropska urbanizacija med starim družbenim redom in modernizacijo: premiki dolgega razvojnega procesa / 33 Stari in emporialni Trst: od demografske stagnacije k pospešeni rasti / 41 Značilnosti priseljevanja: dinamike in prostor / 71 О virih in metodologiji / 71 Dinamične poteze priseljevanja / 80 Geografski izvor priseljenskih tokov / 95 Priseljenci in priseljenke: spolna različnost priseljenske geografije / 117 Strukturno-demografski vidiki tržaškega prebivalstva in priseljenstva v 18. stoletju / 123 Domaćini in mjci /123 Starost /127 Moški in ženske /137 Vidiki priseljenskega sistema /146 Poklicni in gospodarski sestav mestnega prebivalstva /155 Gospodarski profil in delovno tržišce: splošni obrisi /155 Poklicni in družbeni profil moškega prebivalstva /161 Poklicni in družbeni profil ženskega prebivalstva / 179 Družbeno-gospodarska struktura in krajevni izvor /195 Uvodne predpostavke /195 Nekvalificirani delavci, poljedelci in pomorci / 197 Veliki, srednji in mali trgovci, gostinske in živilske obrti / 207 Obrtno rokodelske in manufakturne dejavnosti / 213 Drugi poklici in družbene kategorije / 220 Moški v sobivanju z delodajalcem / 222 Krajevni izvor in poklicni ter družbeni profil žensk / 228 Ob izteku stoletja / 236 Drugo priseljevanje / 238 Prebivalstvena politika in politika priseljevanja / 247 Pravni vidiki atraktivne politike / 247 Privabljanje nosilnih gospodarskih slojev / 255 Med potrebo, svobodo in družbenim ravnovesjem / 257 Posebne skupine: vajenci in pomocniki / 267 Posebne skupine: nosači / 269 Politika izključevanja: med nedorečenostjo postavljenega prava in učinkovitostjo družbene legitimacije / 273 Nekaj zaključnih tez / 283 Riassunto / 287 Summary / 299 Viri in literatura /311 Arhivski viri /311 Literatura / 313 Imensko kazalo / 331 Summary THE POPULATION OF TRIESTE IN THE 18TH CENTURY i opulation development is an em¬ inent problem in the formation process of the emporium of Trieste, encouraged in the 18th century by the mercantile policy of the Aus¬ trian state. The dynamic and structural aspects of demographic trends reflect a social, economic and also cultural and political-administrative transformation from a tradition-bound medieval city commune to a maritime trade centre of international dimensions and a modern urban agglomerate. This transformation far transcends local importance for it is placed in a broader context of European demographic and social changes and into the process of urban development more precisely the rise of port cities. The significance of population growth and the forma¬ tion of a new social fabric, sponsored in particular by mass immigra¬ tion, place demography among the principle subjects and approaches to understanding the history of modern Trieste, particularly the peri¬ ods of its formation and full establishment in the role of a commercial and maritime centre. Indeed, population issues enable a presentation of a more detailed and clearer portrait of the city in its traditional and later emporetic appearance not only from the viewpoint of narrow de¬ mographic dimensions, which themselves present a uniqueness specific features calling for special investigation, but they also serve as a basis 299 Trzasko ţrebivalstvo v 18. stoletju for initiating a proper evaluation of social shifts and cultural changes that have marked the history of Trieste throughout the past three cen¬ turies. Furthermore, the demographic approach to the history of Trieste is all the more important if we consider the fact that historiography has not paid due attention to the demography of Trieste despite the fact that the central questions of historiographie discourse stem from the changes in social, economical, ethnic and cultural characteristics of the population. Seeing Trieste s social, economic, and also cultural history through the prism of demographic movements and population char¬ acteristics ultimately serves as a basis for a more effective comparison with other cities, consequently also enabling a better definition of the specific features of the case of Trieste, as well as its incorporation into the framework of European urban demography and history of Euro¬ pean cities. The research, despite its limits arising from the typology of the ma¬ terial available, the limited possibilities of use and management of the heterogeneous serial sources and a lack of more adequate demographic statistics, enabled verification of the existing and formulation of new interpretation hypotheses. At the same time it highlighted numerous questions that require specific investigation. From the aspect of urban development, the research showed how during the 18th century Trieste crossed the threshold of urban anonymity . This happened at a time when the weight of European urbanization shifted from the Mediterra¬ nean into Northern Europe as a consequence of the economic develop¬ ment of North European macroregions, connected with the growth of cross-continental economy. Simultaneously, urbanization concentrated in the cities, assuming the role of both economic and regional admin¬ istrative centres or capitals of central and absolutist states in contrast to small towns, which, despite being greater in number, were declining af¬ fected by the attraction of bigger cities. Port cities played an important role during this period. Up to the predominance of large continental centres, the development of which was accelerated during the 19th cen¬ tury influenced by industrialization and an accelerated urbanization of the rural population, these port cities had been seen as the promoters of European urbanization and had made the greatest contribution to the total population of larger cities. The development of Trieste occu¬ pies a central position in the competition between the growing North European and the declining Mediterranean port systems. In the frame¬ work of the latter, only free ports were able to prosper on the basis of 300 Summary privileges they were enjoying in order to serve state economic policies. Trieste was one of these ports and as such represented one of the few de¬ veloping exceptions among the Adriatic ports. In spite of the presence of a historic maritime capital like Venice, it was demographically the most static region of the eastern Mediterranean. The vantage point of Trieste arose from the lower level of urbanization in its eastern regions and absence of significant port competition. Thus Trieste occupied a prominent place both as a connection between the central European hinterland and the sea and also as an urban centre of gravity on the border between the western and eastern European urbanization, differ¬ ing not only in density and population weight of the urban fabric, but also in its economic, social and cultural role. The expansion of Trieste changed the traditional settlement structure in the area of the north-eastern Adriatic and also affected the develop¬ ment and settlement image of its close hinterland, either by attracting population or by shifts through which the hinterland in many places adapted to the economic opportunities created by the economy of Tri¬ este. The demographic rise of the city was unambiguous and lasted for entire two centuries despite its initial fluctuations and temporal con¬ juncture stagnations. During the 18th century, its population increased from 5,000 to more than 20,000 and to over 220,000 in the next cen¬ tury and by World War I. The driving force of this growth was immi¬ gration, from the very beginning also promoting natural growth. Con¬ sequently, despite a high mortality rate, the 100-year balance remained positive. The continuous population growth fuelled by accelerated im¬ migration was at least partly also the reason for the unusually high birth, mortality and marriage rates noted already by the first researchers of the demography of Trieste and that are even more explicit in light of a more detailed data analysis. The exceptional marriage and birth rates can be partly explained by the presence of numerous unmarried immi¬ grants of both genders, a thriving marriage market and creation of new families, the demographic activity of which corresponded to the repro¬ duction logic of the old order. High birth rates were also contributed by numerous out-of-wedlock births and as a statistical deformable element - foundlings brought from elsewhere. The rise in mortality can be con¬ tributed partly to the rapid demographic growth of the city and partly to the factors typical for ports and dependent on the mass transitif people from everywhere. The fundamental reasons for high mortality rates can certainly be found in the simple populations worsened living 301 Trzasko prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju conditions that took their heaviest toll among children. The increase in general and above all child mortality rates can be seen as an indicator of social conditions and also as the social tax the Trieste emporium had to pay for its economic expansion. There was a lavish system of the old regime active behind the population growth - the system of high demographic pressure , deriving its vitality from a continuous immigration influx and burdening the weakest social segments. The question of a more detailed operation of the Trieste demographic sys¬ tem remains open and calls for specific research, starting with a more detailed examination of marriage, birth and mortality rates that would also determine the extent to which their exceptional values depended upon the uncertain total number of population, which was undoubt¬ edly higher than that presented by available censuses. As the basic factor in demographic development and a designer of the social fabric of the Trieste emporium, immigration was analysed as a specific problem. Due to a lack of direct and more adequate statistical or serial sources, the research leaned predominantly on statistics com¬ piled on the basis of marriage registers in order to provide insight into the dynamics of the immigration phenomenon and some of its structur¬ al aspects. The hundred-year series of marital data clearly revealed the transition from the traditional into a new development system caused by the declaration of the free port in the twenties and the subsequent three phases in the immigration process coinciding with the stages of the state development policy in relation to Trieste. The phase of the first impetus up to the middle of the century was marked by uncertain¬ ties in the implementation of the Trieste mercantile project, reflected in the euphoric rise and subsequent decline in the number of foreign newly weds. As a consequence of a more striving development policy, there was an onset of a new, stronger immigration phase in the fifties and the sixties, and then a third one from the seventies onwards. Upon consolidation of all premises, on the basis of which the city s economic expansion and demographic attractiveness were harmonized, foreigners became the dominating social component and immigration could not even be hindered by war or political events of the nineties. Over an ex¬ tended period of time, during which the incessant population growth predominates over short-term fluctuations, there are gender differences evident in the population dynamics that are a reflection of the dif¬ ferentiated possibilities of inclusion in the city s labour market. There are evident numerical prevalence in male and temporal delay in female 302 Summary immigration, connected with the delayed ripening of the structural so¬ cio-economic premises for the acceptance of the female labour force. Servant occupations presented the main employment area for female workers, while cohabitation with the employer was the reference form of their access to the city. Another important issue is the differentiated reaction of genders to conjunctural and structural critical moments. While female immigration was more sensitive to the structural prob¬ lems of the economy, which can be seen predominantly in the phase up to the middle of the century, but remained more stable in negative conjunctures of the second half of the century, the male population, on the other hand, was subject also to conjunctural shifts. The analysis of immigration, based on marriage registers and availa¬ ble population censuses enables quite an accurate definition of the pool of origin of immigration flows as well as the weight of contribution of individual areas over the course of time. This clearly shows how with the establishment of the free port, the city managed to increase the power of its attraction in the immediate hinterland from where already traditional immigration ways had been paved, while at the same time opening itself to a wider international geographic space. The four mac- roregions embracing the Gulf of Trieste remained the primary immigra¬ tion source areas with approximately three quarters of all immigrants coming from these four regions. The biggest quotas were contributed by Carniola and Gorizia-Gradisca Regions with over a half of immigrants, followed by Istria and Venetian Friulia. The contribution from outside this area, in the pre-emporium era accounting for less than 10 per cent of foreigners, increased to a little less than one quarter by the middle of the century and to almost 40 per cent in the last decade. Over time, the geography of immigration origin shows certain fluctuations between the primary and other pools revealing different reactions to the rises and crises in the city development. These are particularly visible up to the middle of the century whereupon the contribution of the prov¬ enances outside the primary immigration geography showed increased stability and a constant growth, while immigration from primary pool became more sensitive to conjunctural moments. From the structural aspect, the movements inside the primary pool are particularly inter¬ esting, especially the lasting predominance of the immigration from Carniola, where the opening of the free port received an immediate lively response, up to the last twenty years when the flow from Carniola stabilized, while others were increasing - with the flow from Gorizia 303 Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju occupying the first place. Finally, the leopard-skin-like distribution of immigration source areas inside individual regions exposes the question of the focal points of emigration to Trieste, laid out in accordance with the complex system of interactions on the level of social, economic and cultural relations. While the Trieste emporium undoubtedly animated demographic processes and spatial mobility in the immigration flow source pool, the view from the perspective of Trieste, i.e. through the sources of Trieste, cannot tell us much about the events and reasons why certain areas were subject to a bigger influence of the attraction of Trieste nor can it explain which social and economic circumstances and environments gave rise to a livelier Trieste-oriented mobility. Due to a lack of studies we do not even dispose of the basic knowledge of the socio-demograph- ic circumstances in various emigration pool areas, of the population density, possible changes related to traditional economic sources, or of the social shifts that were increasing during the 18th century. From the aspect of the attraction of the new city reality, apart from socio-eco¬ nomic structural questions, also questions regarding previous existence of mobility in immigration source areas remain open, as well as those related to possible traditional connections and economic relations with Trieste; questions of whether Trieste attracted already existing forms of spatial mobility or re-encouraged it; of the extent to which invisible factors were active (personal relationships, acquaintances, professional and social networks, tradition, etc.); in short, all the problems that are posed in the investigation of the migration phenomenon from the view¬ point of the immigration destination when using sources that do not see immigrants in their original context. In spite of this, from the aspect of immigration, key traits can still be defined and by means of qualitative documentation also the main char¬ acteristics of the flows can be discerned. Firstly, there is a prominent gender asymmetry that was also characteristic for other cities of the time, reflected in a narrower source pool of the female immigration in comparison with the male one. In the flows from Gorizia and especially from Carniola, together with those from Istria, contributing 70 per cent of all the female influx in contrast to the 41 per cent of the male influx, women also outnumbered the male component; whereas in the case of Friuli men dominated by far. This structural characteristic is connected with the city s economic market, offering an increasingly broad range of activities and employment possibilities for men, while for women, as 304 Summary mentioned before, most employment opportunities offered were those among house servants, the response to which came predominantly from the closer peasant rural areas and only exceptionally from more remote focal points. This also coincides with the predominance of individual immigration, expressed in female population mostly as a choice consti¬ tuting a particular phase in the life cycle immediately preceding either leaving the city or settling down through marriage. In face of a rela¬ tively modest family immigration, otherwise present in higher or the lowest social strata, the influx of unmarried immigrants and a thriving marriage market seem the agents of this widespread form of integration into the social fabric of the city. The rapid and incessant growth of the city is also reflected in the predominance of the male component among the immigrants and the entire population, while the typical gender structure of the city popula¬ tion of the time was, except in rare cases, on the side of women. This trait is all the more understandable if we consider the minimal presence of the secondary economic sector (manufactures and other production activities that could employ female labour force) and a proliferation of trade and services induced by the maritime mercantile orientation of the city s economy. Male immigration reflects the relationship between the flow sources and their occupational structure, although only in cer¬ tain categories and far from theoretical models that try to parallel the longer or shorter radii of migration flows, occupation and level of pro¬ fessional specialization with other stimulating or inhibiting factors on the way between the place of origin and immigration destination. The geographic connotation of occupational profiles is primarily character¬ istic for the simplest labour force, porters, hodmen and other unskilled workers, originating primarily from the primary emigration regions. Ь case of these workers, already exhibiting all the characteristics of the proletariat, we can justifiably speak of short-distance mobility. The insignificant presence of the Istrians draws attention to the socio-de- mographic differences between this region and Carniola and Gorizia, where the conditions provided these population segments with a greater possibility of leaving the socio-economic structures. The Istrians as well as the Friulians, on the other hand, tended to appear on the unskilled manual work market seasonally. It is certainly interesting that in the case of Trieste the geographic connotation of the hard labour force was not so narrowly defined as it was in many contemporary cities where the porter occupation (or categories within this activity) was often in 305 Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju the hands of immigrant groups, sourcing from precisely specified plac¬ es. Such conditions were connected with the traditional, generationally reproducing migration dependence on the city from precise, also very remote areas, which through a corporative system created a monopo¬ listic professional position. In Trieste, the porter labour market opened rather suddenly to the response of those who saw the city as an oppor¬ tunity of temporary earnings and above all those who tended to leave source areas and join the city population. The geographic connotation of emigrants with naval professions originating predominantly in Istria, Veneţia and Italian and Dalmatian coastal towns is self-evident, but even more interesting are the find¬ ings related to mercantile and craft occupations. Most prominent prov¬ enances in trade are those outside the primary pool (54 per cent), par¬ ticularly places dispersed in the most distant curve from France, Italy and Central Europe, to the Balkans and eastern Mediterranean. This reflects the emporium s international influence. In catering and food crafts, immigrants from the primary pool were more numerous and the same holds true for various handicraft businesses. A particularity in this area is the flow from Switzerland, which is occupationally best defined (masons, coffeehouse owners and shoemakers) and serves as an excellent example of the then very widespread temporary migration, which fell into the category of the basic agents of the economic system and exhibited very distinctive characteristics in relation to individual occupations. If shoemakers exhibited a tendency towards seasonal work and only appeared in certain months of the year, masons, on the other hand, found all the more possibilities for a permanent settlement in the expansion of the urbane agglomerate. Coffeehouse owners even more so, given that coffeehouses as meeting places played a vital role in the economic and social life. This type of immigration is almost exclusively male in character, which is a consequence of keeping the family in the place of origin and a closed endogamie character, deriving partly from the protestant religion and expecially from the role of emigration in the economic function of the place of origin. For men as well as for women, the importance of cohabitation with the employer was also important. On the basis of this it can be conclud¬ ed that for trade and craft categories, apprenticeship, practice and the phase of dependent work and cohabitation with the employer presented the threshold to the city and a passage towards economic independence and in many cases also permanent residence. The majority of the male 306 Summary population component residing under the roof of the employer likewise consisted mostly of immigrants, but unlike the female one, it was eco¬ nomically much more diversified and ranked given its broader range of occupations. Female labour was recorded only in case of a dependent relationship or independent female activity. This phase in women s life was also the best documented from the point of view of profession and the only possible way to identify migration in light of the relationship between the occupation and the geographic origin. As for men, it is fur¬ ther worth highlighting that foreign hard manual workers were exempt from traineeship and had immediate access to the labour market. Thus, from this aspect they comprise a special economic and social group; although also in this case the high average age of porters calls our at¬ tention to the fact that this category was not accessible to all, and that for integration into the city society through this activity, marriage and creating a family were equally important. Contrastingly, seasonal par¬ ticipation in hard work (porter work as well as masonry and agriculture in the outskirts of the city and in its surroundings) was more flexible; it fluctuated together with port activity, construction and agricultural work (particularly winemaking) throughout the year and exhibited at least two kinds of phenomena. The first falls into the combined form of economy comprising the agricultural basis with other sources of in¬ come or several profit-making activities. It presupposes a definite depar¬ ture from the city after the season has ended or in case of lack of work. The second is already a reflection of marginalization in the source social system and an attempt to permanently settle in the city, as a result of which, such immigrants are also found among the unemployed and criminals. The seasonal or temporary forms of immigration were also characteristic for handicraft occupations, inside which the craftsmen would often regularly return to the city in the most favourable seasons, while apprentices would come to the city also as tramping artisans. Im¬ migrants would come to witness a rather explicit presence of the genu¬ inely poor who did not see the city from the perspective of occupational possibilities, but as a place where due to large population and increasing wealth, begging could also be a prosperous activity. Trieste was becom¬ ing more and more like the large urban agglomerates which had to face their own and foreign poor as well as the many population segments changing in annual economic conjunctures into a social burden and Posing a threat to the public order. The common denominator of the entire immigration regardless of the occupation and class affiliation, 307 Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju which was in most cases not transferred into the city but acquired there, is also the fact that immigration and fixation in the city was a process consisting of many phases with an uncertain outcome, but it neverthe¬ less depended on numerous objective aspects and subjective choices. Another prominent aspect in the process of immigration and forma¬ tion of the new social fabric of Trieste is its population policy, which is a specific field among the core factors of the free port cities develop¬ ment and surpasses by far the free-port legislation. Apart from free port privileges, the core intention of which was to encourage immigration of mercantile and craft occupations as carriers of the emporium s economy, the analysis also underlined others, so far lesser known aspects of the policy of acceleration and harmonization of population growth. Next to the legal freedoms and freedom of religion due to which Trieste was considered a free island by the members of non-Catholic religions up to the Edict of Tolerance of 1781-1782, the policy of attracting favour¬ able categories took place through diplomatic operations, establishing contacts ad-personam and with entire communities, financial aids, tax reliefs and protection of occupations and activities in deficit so that they could be preserved and serve the city also in case of insufficient market success, and at the same time by restricting activities according to the demand. On one hand this policy followed the principles of the highest possible degree of population growth incitement as a prerequisite for economic strengthening of the free port, but on the other hand it also had to consider the actual economic capacities and the course of social development, so that the immigration flow was adjusted with the har¬ monization of needs, settlement vacancies in the city and maintenance of a social equilibrium. This is where the discretionary qualities of the rulers came to the forefront. Despite establishing the liberal spirit and principles of the market economy it was impossible to entirely avoid the class logic, which was, in fact, very far from the corporatice system (which had not even been known in Trieste before the free-port) and affected two categories: apprentices- journeymen and porters. In both cases the regulation of accessing the city and the status situation of the categories was connected with the need for the protection of employ¬ ers and large traders interests and consequently also those of the entire emporium system for which adequate and cheap labour force was indis¬ pensable for successful development but was at the same time also dan¬ gerous for the maintenance of law and order and bearable social con¬ ditions. It is interesting that the only appropriate measure was a loose 308 Summary preventive selection of newcomers reinforced only in case of unfavour¬ able economic conjunctures or in relation to specific population catego¬ ries. Authorities attached greater importance to social monitoring and subsequent expulsion of unwanted persons immediately upon their loss of social (rather then legal) legitimation. This shows the vagueness of the established law (during the time of aspirations for its all-state uni¬ fication in the second half of the century) and its many discrepancies with the free-port system of privileges, which, among other things also showed inconsistencies in relation to the emerging state demographic statistics. 309
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geographic Trst - Prebivalstvo - 18.st. ssg
Trst - Zgodovina - 18.st. ssg
Triest (DE-588)4078411-3 gnd
geographic_facet Trst - Prebivalstvo - 18.st.
Trst - Zgodovina - 18.st.
Triest
id DE-604.BV036081777
illustrated Illustrated
indexdate 2024-12-23T22:59:03Z
institution BVB
language Slovenian
oai_aleph_id oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018972833
oclc_num 449624808
open_access_boolean
owner DE-12
DE-Re13
DE-BY-UBR
owner_facet DE-12
DE-Re13
DE-BY-UBR
physical 344 S. graph. Darst. 24 cm
publishDate 2008
publishDateSearch 2008
publishDateSort 2008
publisher Univ. na Primorskem, Znanstveno-Raziskovalno Središče, Založba Annales
record_format marc
spellingShingle Kalc, Aleksej
Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb
Imigracija - Trst - 18.st. ssg
Bevölkerungsstruktur (DE-588)4246600-3 gnd
Bevölkerungsentwicklung (DE-588)4006292-2 gnd
subject_GND (DE-588)4246600-3
(DE-588)4006292-2
(DE-588)4078411-3
title Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb
title_auth Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb
title_exact_search Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb
title_full Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Aleksej Kalc
title_fullStr Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Aleksej Kalc
title_full_unstemmed Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Aleksej Kalc
title_short Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju
title_sort trzasko prebivalstvo v 18 stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in druzbenih sprememb
title_sub priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb
topic Imigracija - Trst - 18.st. ssg
Bevölkerungsstruktur (DE-588)4246600-3 gnd
Bevölkerungsentwicklung (DE-588)4006292-2 gnd
topic_facet Imigracija - Trst - 18.st.
Bevölkerungsstruktur
Bevölkerungsentwicklung
Trst - Prebivalstvo - 18.st.
Trst - Zgodovina - 18.st.
Triest
url http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018972833&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
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