Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb
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245 | 1 | 0 | |a Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju |b priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb |c Aleksej Kalc |
264 | 1 | |a Koper |b Univ. na Primorskem, Znanstveno-Raziskovalno Središče, Založba Annales |c 2008 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
_version_ | 1819742699724472320 |
---|---|
adam_text | Kazalo
Predgovor
/11
Zahvale
/ 15
Nastanek emporialnega Trsta
in
vprašanje prebivalstva
v
tržaški historiografiji
/17
Trst na prizorišču evropske urbanizacije
/ 33
Evropska urbanizacija med starim družbenim redom
in
modernizacijo: premiki dolgega razvojnega procesa
/ 33
Stari
in emporialni
Trst: od demografske stagnacije
k
pospešeni rasti
/ 41
Značilnosti priseljevanja: dinamike
in
prostor
/ 71
О
virih
in
metodologiji
/ 71
Dinamične poteze priseljevanja
/ 80
Geografski izvor priseljenskih
tokov
/ 95
Priseljenci
in priseljenke:
spolna različnost
priseljenske geografije
/ 117
Strukturno-demografski vidiki
tržaškega prebivalstva
in priseljenstva
v
18.
stoletju
/ 123
Domaćini
in mjci
/123
Starost
/127
Moški
in
ženske
/137
Vidiki priseljenskega
sistema
/146
Poklicni in
gospodarski
sestav
mestnega prebivalstva
/155
Gospodarski profil
in
delovno tržišce: splošni obrisi
/155
Poklicni in
družbeni profil moškega prebivalstva
/161
Poklicni
in
družbeni profil ženskega prebivalstva
/ 179
Družbeno-gospodarska struktura
in
krajevni izvor
/195
Uvodne predpostavke
/195
Nekvalificirani delavci, poljedelci
in
pomorci
/ 197
Veliki, srednji
in
mali trgovci, gostinske
in
živilske obrti
/ 207
Obrtno rokodelske
in
manufakturne dejavnosti
/ 213
Drugi poklici
in družbene
kategorije
/ 220
Moški
v
sobivanju
z delodajalcem
/ 222
Krajevni izvor
in
poklicni
ter
družbeni profil žensk
/ 228
Ob izteku
stoletja
/ 236
Drugo priseljevanje
/ 238
Prebivalstvena politika
in
politika priseljevanja
/ 247
Pravni vidiki atraktivne politike
/ 247
Privabljanje nosilnih gospodarskih slojev
/ 255
Med potrebo,
svobodo
in
družbenim ravnovesjem
/ 257
Posebne skupine: vajenci
in
pomocniki /
267
Posebne skupine: nosači
/ 269
Politika izključevanja: med nedorečenostjo postavljenega prava
in učinkovitostjo
družbene legitimacije
/ 273
Nekaj
zaključnih
tez
/ 283
Riassunto /
287
Summary
/ 299
Viri in
literatura
/311
Arhivski
viri
/311
Literatura
/ 313
Imensko kazalo
/ 331
Summary
THE POPULATION
OF TRIESTE IN THE
18TH CENTURY
i opulation
development is an em¬
inent problem in the formation process of the emporium of Trieste,
encouraged in the 18th century by the mercantile policy of the Aus¬
trian state. The dynamic and structural aspects of demographic trends
reflect a social, economic and also cultural and political-administrative
transformation from a tradition-bound medieval city commune to a
maritime trade centre of international dimensions and a modern urban
agglomerate. This transformation far transcends local importance for
it is placed in a broader context of European demographic and social
changes and into the process of urban development more precisely the
rise of port cities. The significance of population growth and the forma¬
tion of a new social fabric, sponsored in particular by mass immigra¬
tion, place demography among the principle subjects and approaches
to understanding the history of modern Trieste, particularly the peri¬
ods of its formation and full establishment in the role of a commercial
and maritime centre. Indeed, population issues enable a presentation
of a more detailed and clearer portrait of the city in its traditional and
later emporetic appearance not only from the viewpoint of narrow de¬
mographic dimensions, which themselves present a uniqueness specific
features calling for special investigation, but they also serve as a basis
299
Trzasko
ţrebivalstvo
v
18.
stoletju
for initiating
a proper
evaluation of social shifts and cultural changes
that have marked the history of Trieste throughout the past three cen¬
turies. Furthermore, the demographic approach to the history of Trieste
is all the more important if we consider the fact that historiography has
not paid due attention to the demography of Trieste despite the fact
that the central questions of
historiographie
discourse stem from the
changes in social, economical, ethnic and cultural characteristics of the
population. Seeing Trieste s social, economic, and also cultural history
through the prism of demographic movements and population char¬
acteristics ultimately serves as a basis for a more effective comparison
with other cities, consequently also enabling a better definition of the
specific features of the case of Trieste, as well as its incorporation into
the framework of European urban demography and history of Euro¬
pean cities.
The research, despite its limits arising from the typology of the ma¬
terial available, the limited possibilities of use and management of the
heterogeneous serial sources and a lack of more adequate demographic
statistics, enabled verification of the existing and formulation of new
interpretation hypotheses. At the same time it highlighted numerous
questions that require specific investigation. From the aspect of urban
development, the research showed how during the 18th century Trieste
crossed the threshold of urban anonymity . This happened at a time
when the weight of European urbanization shifted from the Mediterra¬
nean into Northern Europe as a consequence of the economic develop¬
ment of North European macroregions, connected with the growth of
cross-continental economy. Simultaneously, urbanization concentrated
in the cities, assuming the role of both economic and regional admin¬
istrative centres or capitals of central and absolutist states in contrast to
small towns, which, despite being greater in number, were declining af¬
fected by the attraction of bigger cities. Port cities played an important
role during this period. Up to the predominance of large continental
centres, the development of which was accelerated during the 19th cen¬
tury influenced by industrialization and an accelerated urbanization of
the rural population, these port cities had been seen as the promoters
of European urbanization and had made the greatest contribution to
the total population of larger cities. The development of Trieste occu¬
pies a central position in the competition between the growing North
European and the declining Mediterranean port systems. In the frame¬
work of the latter, only free ports were able to prosper on the basis of
300
Summary
privileges they were enjoying in order to serve state economic policies.
Trieste was one of these ports and as such represented one of the few de¬
veloping exceptions among the Adriatic ports. In spite of the presence
of a historic maritime capital like Venice, it was demographically the
most static region of the eastern Mediterranean. The vantage point of
Trieste arose from the lower level of urbanization in its eastern regions
and absence of significant port competition. Thus Trieste occupied a
prominent place both as a connection between the central European
hinterland and the sea and also as an urban centre of gravity on the
border between the western and eastern European urbanization, differ¬
ing not only in density and population weight of the urban fabric, but
also in its economic, social and cultural role.
The expansion of Trieste changed the traditional settlement structure
in the area of the north-eastern Adriatic and also affected the develop¬
ment and settlement image of its close hinterland, either by attracting
population or by shifts through which the hinterland in many places
adapted to the economic opportunities created by the economy of Tri¬
este. The demographic rise of the city was unambiguous and lasted for
entire two centuries despite its initial fluctuations and temporal con¬
juncture stagnations. During the 18th century, its population increased
from
5,000
to more than
20,000
and to over
220,000
in the next cen¬
tury and by World War I. The driving force of this growth was immi¬
gration, from the very beginning also promoting natural growth. Con¬
sequently, despite a high mortality rate, the 100-year balance remained
positive. The continuous population growth fuelled by accelerated im¬
migration was at least partly also the reason for the unusually high
birth, mortality and marriage rates noted already by the first researchers
of the demography of Trieste and that are even more explicit in light of
a more detailed data analysis. The exceptional marriage and birth rates
can be partly explained by the presence of numerous unmarried immi¬
grants of both genders, a thriving marriage market and creation of new
families, the demographic activity of which corresponded to the repro¬
duction logic of the old order. High birth rates were also contributed by
numerous out-of-wedlock births and as a statistical deformable element
-
foundlings brought from elsewhere. The rise in mortality can be con¬
tributed partly to the rapid demographic growth of the city and partly
to the factors typical for ports and dependent on the mass
transitif
people from everywhere. The fundamental reasons for high mortality
rates can certainly be found in the simple populations worsened living
301
Trzasko
prebivalstvo v
18.
stoletju
conditions that took their heaviest toll among children. The increase in
general and above all child mortality rates can be seen as an indicator
of social conditions and also as the social tax the Trieste emporium
had to pay for its economic expansion. There was a lavish system of
the old regime active behind the population growth
-
the system of
high demographic pressure , deriving its vitality from a continuous
immigration influx and burdening the weakest social segments. The
question of a more detailed operation of the Trieste demographic sys¬
tem remains open and calls for specific research, starting with a more
detailed examination of marriage, birth and mortality rates that would
also determine the extent to which their exceptional values depended
upon the uncertain total number of population, which was undoubt¬
edly higher than that presented by available censuses.
As the basic factor in demographic development and a designer of
the social fabric of the Trieste emporium, immigration was analysed as
a specific problem. Due to a lack of direct and more adequate statistical
or serial sources, the research leaned predominantly on statistics com¬
piled on the basis of marriage registers in order to provide insight into
the dynamics of the immigration phenomenon and some of its structur¬
al aspects. The hundred-year series of marital data clearly revealed the
transition from the traditional into a new development system caused
by the declaration of the free port in the twenties and the subsequent
three phases in the immigration process coinciding with the stages of
the state development policy in relation to Trieste. The phase of the
first impetus up to the middle of the century was marked by uncertain¬
ties in the implementation of the Trieste mercantile project, reflected
in the euphoric rise and subsequent decline in the number of foreign
newly weds. As a consequence of a more striving development policy,
there was an onset of a new, stronger immigration phase in the fifties
and the sixties, and then a third one from the seventies onwards. Upon
consolidation of all premises, on the basis of which the city s economic
expansion and demographic attractiveness were harmonized, foreigners
became the dominating social component and immigration could not
even be hindered by war or political events of the nineties. Over an ex¬
tended period of time, during which the incessant population growth
predominates over short-term fluctuations, there are gender differences
evident in the population dynamics that are a reflection of the dif¬
ferentiated possibilities of inclusion in the city s labour market. There
are evident numerical prevalence in male and temporal delay in female
302
Summary
immigration, connected with the delayed ripening of the structural so¬
cio-economic premises for the acceptance of the female labour force.
Servant occupations presented the main employment area for female
workers, while cohabitation with the employer was the reference form
of their access to the city. Another important issue is the differentiated
reaction of genders to conjunctural and structural critical moments.
While female immigration was more sensitive to the structural prob¬
lems of the economy, which can be seen predominantly in the phase
up to the middle of the century, but remained more stable in negative
conjunctures of the second half of the century, the male population, on
the other hand, was subject also to conjunctural shifts.
The analysis of immigration, based on marriage registers and availa¬
ble population censuses enables quite an accurate definition of the pool
of origin of immigration flows as well as the weight of contribution of
individual areas over the course of time. This clearly shows how with
the establishment of the free port, the city managed to increase the
power of its attraction in the immediate hinterland from where already
traditional immigration ways had been paved, while at the same time
opening itself to a wider international geographic space. The four mac-
roregions embracing the Gulf of Trieste remained the primary immigra¬
tion source areas with approximately three quarters of all immigrants
coming from these four regions. The biggest quotas were contributed by
Carniola and Gorizia-Gradisca Regions with over a half of immigrants,
followed by
Istria
and Venetian Friulia. The contribution from outside
this area, in the pre-emporium era accounting for less than
10
per cent
of foreigners, increased to a little less than one quarter by the middle of
the century and to almost
40
per cent in the last decade. Over time, the
geography of immigration origin shows certain fluctuations between
the primary and other pools revealing different reactions to the rises
and crises in the city development. These are particularly visible up
to the middle of the century whereupon the contribution of the prov¬
enances outside the primary immigration geography showed increased
stability and a constant growth, while immigration from primary pool
became more sensitive to conjunctural moments. From the structural
aspect, the movements inside the primary pool are particularly inter¬
esting, especially the lasting predominance of the immigration from
Carniola, where the opening of the free port received an immediate
lively response, up to the last twenty years when the flow from Carniola
stabilized, while others were increasing
-
with the flow from Gorizia
303
Tržaško prebivalstvo v
18.
stoletju
occupying the first place. Finally, the leopard-skin-like distribution of
immigration source areas inside individual regions exposes the question
of the focal points of emigration to Trieste, laid out in accordance with
the complex system of interactions on the level of social, economic and
cultural relations.
While the Trieste emporium undoubtedly animated demographic
processes and spatial mobility in the immigration flow source pool, the
view from the perspective of Trieste, i.e. through the sources of Trieste,
cannot tell us much about the events and reasons why certain areas
were subject to a bigger influence of the attraction of Trieste nor can
it explain which social and economic circumstances and environments
gave rise to a livelier Trieste-oriented mobility. Due to a lack of studies
we do not even dispose of the basic knowledge of the socio-demograph-
ic circumstances in various emigration pool areas, of the population
density, possible changes related to traditional economic sources, or of
the social shifts that were increasing during the 18th century. From the
aspect of the attraction of the new city reality, apart from socio-eco¬
nomic structural questions, also questions regarding previous existence
of mobility in immigration source areas remain open, as well as those
related to possible traditional connections and economic relations with
Trieste; questions of whether Trieste attracted already existing forms of
spatial mobility or re-encouraged it; of the extent to which invisible
factors were active (personal relationships, acquaintances, professional
and social networks, tradition, etc.); in short, all the problems that are
posed in the investigation of the migration phenomenon from the view¬
point of the immigration destination when using sources that do not
see immigrants in their original context.
In spite of this, from the aspect of immigration, key traits can still be
defined and by means of qualitative documentation also the main char¬
acteristics of the flows can be discerned. Firstly, there is a prominent
gender asymmetry that was also characteristic for other cities of the
time, reflected in a narrower source pool of the female immigration in
comparison with the male one. In the flows from Gorizia and especially
from Carniola, together with those from
Istria,
contributing
70
per cent
of all the female influx in contrast to the
41
per cent of the male influx,
women also outnumbered the male component; whereas in the case of
Friuli men dominated by far. This structural characteristic is connected
with the city s economic market, offering an increasingly broad range
of activities and employment possibilities for men, while for women, as
304
Summary
mentioned before, most employment opportunities offered were those
among house servants, the response to which came predominantly from
the closer peasant rural areas and only exceptionally from more remote
focal points. This also coincides with the predominance of individual
immigration, expressed in female population mostly as a choice consti¬
tuting a particular phase in the life cycle immediately preceding either
leaving the city or settling down through marriage. In face of a rela¬
tively modest family immigration, otherwise present in higher or the
lowest social strata, the influx of unmarried immigrants and a thriving
marriage market seem the agents of this widespread form of integration
into the social fabric of the city.
The rapid and incessant growth of the city is also reflected in the
predominance of the male component among the immigrants and the
entire population, while the typical gender structure of the city popula¬
tion of the time was, except in rare cases, on the side of women. This
trait is all the more understandable if we consider the minimal presence
of the secondary economic sector (manufactures and other production
activities that could employ female labour force) and a proliferation of
trade and services induced by the maritime mercantile orientation of
the city s economy. Male immigration reflects the relationship between
the flow sources and their occupational structure, although only in cer¬
tain categories and far from theoretical models that try to parallel the
longer or shorter radii of migration flows, occupation and level of pro¬
fessional specialization with other stimulating or inhibiting factors on
the way between the place of origin and immigration destination. The
geographic connotation of occupational profiles is primarily character¬
istic for the simplest labour force, porters, hodmen and other unskilled
workers, originating primarily from the primary emigration regions.
Ь
case of these workers, already exhibiting all the characteristics of
the proletariat, we can justifiably speak of short-distance mobility. The
insignificant presence of the Istrians draws attention to the socio-de-
mographic differences between this region and Carniola and Gorizia,
where the conditions provided these population segments with a greater
possibility of leaving the socio-economic structures. The Istrians as well
as the Friulians, on the other hand, tended to appear on the unskilled
manual work market seasonally. It is certainly interesting that in the
case of Trieste the geographic connotation of the hard labour force was
not so narrowly defined as it was in many contemporary cities where
the porter occupation (or categories within this activity) was often in
305
Tržaško prebivalstvo v
18.
stoletju
the hands of immigrant groups, sourcing from precisely specified plac¬
es. Such conditions were connected with the traditional, generationally
reproducing migration dependence on the city from precise, also very
remote areas, which through a corporative system created a monopo¬
listic professional position. In Trieste, the porter labour market opened
rather suddenly to the response of those who saw the city as an oppor¬
tunity of temporary earnings and above all those who tended to leave
source areas and join the city population.
The geographic connotation of emigrants with naval professions
originating predominantly in
Istria, Veneţia
and Italian and Dalmatian
coastal towns is self-evident, but even more interesting are the find¬
ings related to mercantile and craft occupations. Most prominent prov¬
enances in trade are those outside the primary pool
(54
per cent), par¬
ticularly places dispersed in the most distant curve from France, Italy
and Central Europe, to the Balkans and eastern Mediterranean. This
reflects the emporium s international influence. In catering and food
crafts, immigrants from the primary pool were more numerous and
the same holds true for various handicraft businesses. A particularity
in this area is the flow from Switzerland, which is occupationally best
defined (masons, coffeehouse owners and shoemakers) and serves as an
excellent example of the then very widespread temporary migration,
which fell into the category of the basic agents of the economic system
and exhibited very distinctive characteristics in relation to individual
occupations. If shoemakers exhibited a tendency towards seasonal work
and only appeared in certain months of the year, masons, on the other
hand, found all the more possibilities for a permanent settlement in the
expansion of the urbane agglomerate. Coffeehouse owners even more
so, given that coffeehouses as meeting places played a vital role in the
economic and social life. This type of immigration is almost exclusively
male in character, which is a consequence of keeping the family in the
place of origin and a closed
endogamie
character, deriving partly from
the
protestant
religion and expecially from the role of emigration in the
economic function of the place of origin.
For men as well as for women, the importance of cohabitation with
the employer was also important. On the basis of this it can be conclud¬
ed that for trade and craft categories, apprenticeship, practice and the
phase of dependent work and cohabitation with the employer presented
the threshold to the city and a passage towards economic independence
and in many cases also permanent residence. The majority of the male
306
Summary
population component residing under the roof of the employer likewise
consisted mostly of immigrants, but unlike the female one, it was eco¬
nomically much more diversified and ranked given its broader range of
occupations. Female labour was recorded only in case of a dependent
relationship or independent female activity. This phase in women s life
was also the best documented from the point of view of profession and
the only possible way to identify migration in light of the relationship
between the occupation and the geographic origin. As for men, it is fur¬
ther worth highlighting that foreign hard manual workers were exempt
from traineeship and had immediate access to the labour market. Thus,
from this aspect they comprise a special economic and social group;
although also in this case the high average age of porters calls our at¬
tention to the fact that this category was not accessible to all, and that
for integration into the city society through this activity, marriage and
creating a family were equally important. Contrastingly, seasonal par¬
ticipation in hard work (porter work as well as masonry and agriculture
in the outskirts of the city and in its surroundings) was more flexible;
it fluctuated together with port activity, construction and agricultural
work (particularly winemaking) throughout the year and exhibited at
least two kinds of phenomena. The first falls into the combined form
of economy comprising the agricultural basis with other sources of in¬
come or several profit-making activities. It presupposes a definite depar¬
ture from the city after the season has ended or in case of lack of work.
The second is already a reflection of marginalization in the source social
system and an attempt to permanently settle in the city, as a result of
which, such immigrants are also found among the unemployed and
criminals. The seasonal or temporary forms of immigration were also
characteristic for handicraft occupations, inside which the craftsmen
would often regularly return to the city in the most favourable seasons,
while apprentices would come to the city also as tramping artisans. Im¬
migrants would come to witness a rather explicit presence of the genu¬
inely poor who did not see the city from the perspective of occupational
possibilities, but as a place where due to large population and increasing
wealth, begging could also be a prosperous activity. Trieste was becom¬
ing more and more like the large urban agglomerates which had to face
their own and foreign poor as well as the many population segments
changing in annual economic conjunctures into a social burden and
Posing a threat to the public order. The common denominator of the
entire immigration regardless of the occupation and class affiliation,
307
Tržaško prebivalstvo v
18.
stoletju
which was in most cases not transferred into the city but acquired there,
is also the fact that immigration and fixation in the city was a process
consisting of many phases with an uncertain outcome, but it neverthe¬
less depended on numerous objective aspects and subjective choices.
Another prominent aspect in the process of immigration and forma¬
tion of the new social fabric of Trieste is its population policy, which
is a specific field among the core factors of the free port cities develop¬
ment and surpasses by far the free-port legislation. Apart from free port
privileges, the core intention of which was to encourage immigration of
mercantile and craft occupations as carriers of the emporium s economy,
the analysis also underlined others, so far lesser known aspects of the
policy of acceleration and harmonization of population growth. Next
to the legal freedoms and freedom of religion due to which Trieste was
considered a free island by the members of non-Catholic religions up
to the Edict of Tolerance of
1781-1782,
the policy of attracting favour¬
able categories took place through diplomatic operations, establishing
contacts ad-personam and with entire communities, financial aids, tax
reliefs and protection of occupations and activities in deficit so that they
could be preserved and serve the city also in case of insufficient market
success, and at the same time by restricting activities according to the
demand. On one hand this policy followed the principles of the highest
possible degree of population growth incitement as a prerequisite for
economic strengthening of the free port, but on the other hand it also
had to consider the actual economic capacities and the course of social
development, so that the immigration flow was adjusted with the har¬
monization of needs, settlement vacancies in the city and maintenance
of a social equilibrium. This is where the discretionary qualities of the
rulers came to the forefront. Despite establishing the liberal spirit and
principles of the market economy it was impossible to entirely avoid
the class logic, which was, in fact, very far from the corporatice system
(which had not even been known in Trieste before the free-port) and
affected two categories: apprentices- journeymen and porters. In both
cases the regulation of accessing the city and the status situation of the
categories was connected with the need for the protection of employ¬
ers and large traders interests and consequently also those of the entire
emporium system for which adequate and cheap labour force was indis¬
pensable for successful development but was at the same time also dan¬
gerous for the maintenance of law and order and bearable social con¬
ditions. It is interesting that the only appropriate measure was a loose
308
Summary
preventive selection of newcomers reinforced only in case of unfavour¬
able economic conjunctures or in relation to specific population catego¬
ries. Authorities attached greater importance to social monitoring and
subsequent expulsion of unwanted persons immediately upon their loss
of social (rather then legal) legitimation. This shows the vagueness of
the established law (during the time of aspirations for its all-state uni¬
fication in the second half of the century) and its many discrepancies
with the free-port system of privileges, which, among other things also
showed inconsistencies in relation to the emerging state demographic
statistics.
309
|
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Kalc, Aleksej |
author_facet | Kalc, Aleksej |
author_role | aut |
author_sort | Kalc, Aleksej |
author_variant | a k ak |
building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV036081777 |
ctrlnum | (OCoLC)449624808 (DE-599)BVBBV036081777 |
era | Geschichte 1700-1800 gnd |
era_facet | Geschichte 1700-1800 |
format | Book |
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geographic | Trst - Prebivalstvo - 18.st. ssg Trst - Zgodovina - 18.st. ssg Triest (DE-588)4078411-3 gnd |
geographic_facet | Trst - Prebivalstvo - 18.st. Trst - Zgodovina - 18.st. Triest |
id | DE-604.BV036081777 |
illustrated | Illustrated |
indexdate | 2024-12-23T22:59:03Z |
institution | BVB |
language | Slovenian |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018972833 |
oclc_num | 449624808 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
physical | 344 S. graph. Darst. 24 cm |
publishDate | 2008 |
publishDateSearch | 2008 |
publishDateSort | 2008 |
publisher | Univ. na Primorskem, Znanstveno-Raziskovalno Središče, Založba Annales |
record_format | marc |
spellingShingle | Kalc, Aleksej Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Imigracija - Trst - 18.st. ssg Bevölkerungsstruktur (DE-588)4246600-3 gnd Bevölkerungsentwicklung (DE-588)4006292-2 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4246600-3 (DE-588)4006292-2 (DE-588)4078411-3 |
title | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb |
title_auth | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb |
title_exact_search | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb |
title_full | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Aleksej Kalc |
title_fullStr | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Aleksej Kalc |
title_full_unstemmed | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb Aleksej Kalc |
title_short | Tržaško prebivalstvo v 18. stoletju |
title_sort | trzasko prebivalstvo v 18 stoletju priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in druzbenih sprememb |
title_sub | priseljevanje kot gibalo demografske rasti in družbenih sprememb |
topic | Imigracija - Trst - 18.st. ssg Bevölkerungsstruktur (DE-588)4246600-3 gnd Bevölkerungsentwicklung (DE-588)4006292-2 gnd |
topic_facet | Imigracija - Trst - 18.st. Bevölkerungsstruktur Bevölkerungsentwicklung Trst - Prebivalstvo - 18.st. Trst - Zgodovina - 18.st. Triest |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018972833&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018972833&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT kalcaleksej trzaskoprebivalstvov18stoletjupriseljevanjekotgibalodemografskerastiindruzbenihsprememb |