Early Child Grammars: Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis of Morphosyntactic Production

This article reports on a series of 5 analyses of spontaneous production of verbal inflection (tense and person–number agreement) by 2‐year‐olds acquiring French as a native language. A formal analysis of the qualitative and quantitative results is developed using the unique resources of Optimality Theory (OT; Prince & Smolensky, 2004). It is argued that acquisition of morphosyntax proceeds via overlapping grammars (rather than through abrupt changes), which OT formalizes in terms of partial rather than total constraint rankings. Initially, economy of structure constraints take priority over faithfulness constraints that demand faithful expression of a speaker's intent, resulting in child production of tense that is comparable in level to that of child‐directed speech. Using the independent Predominant Length of Utterance measure of syntactic development proposed in Vainikka, Legendre, and Todorova (1999), production of agreement is shown first to lag behind tense then to compete with tense at an intermediate stage of development. As the child's development progresses, faithfulness constraints become more dominant, and the overall production of tense and agreement becomes adult‐like.