Topic expression, information saliency and anaphora resolution

Huang (2007/1994) proposes a pragmatic theory of anaphora within the neo-Gricean framework of conversational implicature. With regard to anaphora interpretation, he postulates an antecedent search procedure for zero anaphors, according to which the preference order in the assignment of an antecedent for a zero anaphor should be local subject > local object > matrix subject > topic. First, we point out that this pragmatic proposal is in discord with the principle of information saliency also discussed by Huang, which states that in the assignment of correct coindexing, higher clauses have precedence over lower clauses and higher potential antecedents have precedence over lower ones. Accordingly, we argue that the preference order in the assignment of an antecedent for a zero anaphor should be topic > matrix subject > local subject > local object. Second, we demonstrate that his pragmatic proposal of antecedent assignment does not fully apply to cases involving control verbs either, given that the triple of syntax, semantics and pragmatics each plays a role in natural language interpretation.