Learning antecedents for anaphoric one

Lidz et al. [Lidz, J., Waxman, S., & Freedman, J. (2003). What infants know about syntax but couldn't have learned: Experimental evidence for syntactic structure at 18 months. Cognition, 89, B65–B73.] claim experimental substantiation of an argument from the poverty of the stimulus, in the...

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Veröffentlicht in:Cognition 2004-09, Vol.93 (2), p.141-145
Hauptverfasser: Akhtar, Nameera, Callanan, Maureen, Pullum, Geoffrey K, Scholz, Barbara C
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container_end_page 145
container_issue 2
container_start_page 141
container_title Cognition
container_volume 93
creator Akhtar, Nameera
Callanan, Maureen
Pullum, Geoffrey K
Scholz, Barbara C
description Lidz et al. [Lidz, J., Waxman, S., & Freedman, J. (2003). What infants know about syntax but couldn't have learned: Experimental evidence for syntactic structure at 18 months. Cognition, 89, B65–B73.] claim experimental substantiation of an argument from the poverty of the stimulus, in the sense of Pullum and Scholz [Linguist. Rev. 19 (2002) 9]. They cite a specific feature of English—the assignment of appropriate antecedents for anaphoric one—that cannot possibly be learned from experience because the evidence needed is found only in utterances of a type too rare to be encountered. Their argument involves three empirical claims. In this note we dispute all three.
doi_str_mv 10.1016/j.cognition.2003.12.002
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source MEDLINE; Elsevier ScienceDirect Journals
subjects Children
Developmental psychology
English language
Humans
Infants
Language Acquisition
Learning
Linguistic Input
Linguistics
Poverty of the stimulus
Stimuli
Syntax
Verbal Learning
title Learning antecedents for anaphoric one
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