Learning antecedents for anaphoric one
Lidz et al. [Lidz, J., Waxman, S., & Freedman, J. (2003). What infants know about syntax but couldn't have learned: Experimental evidence for syntactic structure at 18 months. Cognition, 89, B65–B73.] claim experimental substantiation of an argument from the poverty of the stimulus, in the...
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Veröffentlicht in: | Cognition 2004-09, Vol.93 (2), p.141-145 |
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Hauptverfasser: | , , , |
Format: | Artikel |
Sprache: | eng |
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Zusammenfassung: | Lidz et al. [Lidz, J., Waxman, S., & Freedman, J. (2003). What infants know about syntax but couldn't have learned: Experimental evidence for syntactic structure at 18 months.
Cognition,
89, B65–B73.] claim experimental substantiation of an argument from the poverty of the stimulus, in the sense of Pullum and Scholz [Linguist. Rev. 19 (2002) 9]. They cite a specific feature of English—the assignment of appropriate antecedents for anaphoric
one—that cannot possibly be learned from experience because the evidence needed is found only in utterances of a type too rare to be encountered. Their argument involves three empirical claims. In this note we dispute all three. |
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ISSN: | 0010-0277 1873-7838 |
DOI: | 10.1016/j.cognition.2003.12.002 |