Resumptive Pronouns Can Be Syntactically Bound
It is generally assumed that the binding between a resumptive pronoun & its antecedent is a case of "anaphoric" binding, different from the "syntactic" binding that occurs when there is a gap rather than a resumptive pronoun. Two arguments are presented that this is not alway...
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Veröffentlicht in: | Linguistic inquiry 1981-10, Vol.12 (4), p.679-682 |
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Hauptverfasser: | , , |
Format: | Artikel |
Sprache: | eng |
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Zusammenfassung: | It is generally assumed that the binding between a resumptive pronoun & its antecedent is a case of "anaphoric" binding, different from the "syntactic" binding that occurs when there is a gap rather than a resumptive pronoun. Two arguments are presented that this is not always the case. In Swedish, the type of binding between a resumptive pronoun & its antecedent is of the same nature as that between a gap & its transformationally moved antecedent: in both cases, (1) reflexives can show up as antecedents, a fact not predicted under the assumption that the binding of a resumptive pronoun is anaphoric binding, & (2) a constituent with a resumptive pronoun can be coordinated with a constituent containing a gap, thus showing that they must be of the same syntactic category. AA |
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ISSN: | 0024-3892 1530-9150 |