La Correspondance entre Mikhaïl Rostovtzeff et Franz Cumont

Though they came from dissimilar backgrounds C. from a wealthy Franco-Belgian industrialist family, R. the son of a Latin teacher who became a successful ministerial bureaucrat in Czarist Russia they held similar social and political views: R. had after all followed Kerensky into exile after the October Revolution; though both mocked Mussolini, at least until the Fascist oath was demanded of university professors in 1931, and deplored the rise of Nazism (C. refers to Hitler as le mahdi de Berchtesgaden 140, 147), R. denounces Roosevelts dictature in 1936 (120), and in August 1939 fears that even if the democracies win the coming struggle, Bolshevism will triumph in the end (152). Among these are the impulse to exclude Germany and Germans from international exchanges after the Great War (C. for example in 1922 refused to allow Teubner to bring out his edition of the Letters of Julian, 7); the role of the Acadmie des Inscriptions in Paris as a clearing-house for information and academic intercourse; the impact on archaeology of the establishment of French and British protectorates over the ruins of the Turkish Empire (R. and C. constantly exchange information about excavations and discoveries); the claims these colonial governments immediately made to their archaeological patrimony, combined with their unwillingness to protect sites eectively against thieves and vandals; the role of motorised transport, fast steamers and aeroplanes in facilitating digs and personal contacts; the growing alarm at discrimination against Jews (for example, in 1937 C. commissioned the Catholic St Weinstock, a naturalised German born a Hungarian Jew, to edit the Vatican volume of CCAG [V.4, 1940], and then, in August 1938, on the death of Annelisa Modrze, some of the British MSS for CCAG IX.2, which enabled him to get to England); the excitement generated by the Fascist excavations in Rome (the Fora, the Mausoleum, the Ara Pacis and the removal of the friezes from the Uzi in Florence, the Ludus Magnus; Calzas career through Ostia) and Gigliolis Museo dellImpero in EUR. The Editors refrain from providing the denitive description of what is meant by the phrase Digital Humanities; this is a common concern for those operating within the discipline, which has also been known as humanities computing.1 Meanings do emerge in the 37 chapters which constitute the volume; for example, the Digital Humanities are described as the automation of every possible analysis of human expression (Busa