Eventive Nominalizations in Russian and the DP/NP Debate

Eventive Nominalizations and gerunds are typically analyzed as verbal structures embedded under DP. Since many Slavic languages lack articles, the availability of the DP projection in those languages has disputed. Curiously, Russian nominalizations have been used to mount arguments for both the pro-DP position and the anti-DP position. As the debate is not yet settled, it is important to verify if either argument based on nominalizations is vali. In this article, Pereltsvaig reconsiders the anti-DP and pro-DP arguments and shows both nominalization-based arguments to be wrong. She contends that all of the nominalization-specific morphosyntax (including genetive case marking) happens lower than the putative DP projection and that therefore, nominalizations say nothing special about the presence or absence of the DP in article-less languages.