Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996)
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Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu
2000
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Političke promene u Rusiji |b (1990-1996) |c dr Jelica Kurjak |
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| 500 | |a Englische Zusammenfassung | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1990-1996 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | SUMMARY
Russia today is an impoverished and in many ways a specific soci-
ety. The consequences of the disintegration of the Soviet Empire are felt
in all societal domains, perhaps first and foremost in the economic
sphere. The country’s potentials are starkly depleted. In today’s Russia,
even the basic presuppositions for a successful transition do not obtain.
As the country is characterised by a totalitarian system of governance,
there are few possibilities for a démocratisation after the model of known
democratic systems. For these reasons, Russia finds itself in a specific
situation of having to re-examine its tradition as a possible basis for the
introduction of new forms of organisation and governance that would be
appropriate to its current circumstances.
Many of the contemporary difficulties that Russia is experiencing
in the economic, social, military and strategic policies, national relations
and foreign policy, are explained by the deep gulf between the constitu-
tional provisions, which represent the declarative norms, and the realistic
possibilities to innovate the country’s system of governance. For this
reason, the apparent continuations of the old forms of governance are
frequent. Sometimes, they appear as unsurmountable obstacles to inno-
vation. At the same time, these old forms of governance are heralds of
the new age in Russian politics. Regardless of all the difficult conse-
quences of the historical move from one societal form into another, the
Russian society has, strategically speaking, endorsed a step out into the
future. There are several indicators that confirm this view.
First, the introduction of the principle of division of power be-
tween the legislative, executive and judicial arms of governance was
meant to indicate that the current Russian leadership had endorsed a
democratic way of developing their society, and that it had definitively
broken up with the totalitarian model of governance. The constitutional
regulation of the functions of these branches of governance indicates
176
that the future of Russia will greatly depend on the country’s President.
The enormous competencies that are allocated to the President, in the
conditions of the Russian historical and cultural tradition, have both pos-
itive and negative dimensions. The positive ones consist in the fact that
such a system of governance, which is extremely personalised, is gener-
ally acceptable to average Russian citizen. In a largely undefined institu-
tional structure of the system, a strong executive appears as a factor of
stability, a guarantor of moving steadily ahead, and of the preservation of
the results of societal transformation and transition so far. The negative
sides of such an orientation are contained in the danger that the execu-
tive branch might become too independent and separate from the rest of
the system, so that it may dominate the legislative and judicial branches.
In Russian political life, such tendencies are already visible. According to
the Russian Constitution, the Parliament, the Government and the
courts are directly subordinated to the President. As the President has
the right to rule by decree, it is clear to what extent the political system
in Russia is personalised. Some analysts already speak of a new abso-
lutism, which they call enlightened, because, in an overall perspective, it
tends to secure a move ahead for the entire Russian society. The danger
of absolutism remains, but it seems to early at this stage to speak of a
developed and threatening absolutism that would not be called for by the
realities in Russian political and economic life. It is probably more appro-
priate to speak of a new form of personalised governance that is war-
ranted by the current state of the Russian society.
Secondly, the transformation of the Soviet totalitarianism has be-
gun with the introduction of political pluralism, with various ideologi-
cally different groups, movements, organisations and associations being
active on the Russian political scene. The introduction of multi-party
pluralism into the political structure of the Russian society was a key
komponent of the Russian version of system-transformation. Not much
time had passed from a monolitic and monopolistic state structure to the
emergence of a diversity of organisations in the system, as the potential
for political difference in Russia had been long hidden. The Russian soci-
ety pulled itself out of the political chaos fairly promptly: the first parlia-
mentary election indicated that there were two separate political forces
on the Russian political scene, whose actions and behaviour would deter-
mine the country’s future (one was a pro-western oriented liberal-
democratic alliance, while the other one primarily looked at the Russian
177
past for orientation in the future. The parties belonging to the first block
have been in power from day one of the Russian reforms Their political
maturation was determined by the degree of their programmatic devel-
opment. In the initial phase, these parties were on radical reformist posi-
tions, characterised by an uncritical acceptance of the prescriptions of
western European democraticies as an unequestioned model of changes
for the Russian society. Time has shown, however, that there are no
ready solutions, and that the Russian economic and societal identity can-
not absorb the offered degree of radicalism. These parties have therefore
started to transform their pgorammes in the direction of combined solu-
tions, without giving up on liberalism and democracy as their program-
matic base.
The other group of parties is different ( they range from national-
ist, royalist, traditionally Russian, to new left and communist forces.
From the very beginning, these parties believed that the dissintegration
of the Soviet Union had not been unavoidable, and that, once it had oc-
curred, Russia did not profit sufficiently from it
Third, the multiparty parliamentarism, as a form of societal
démocratisation, has been fully realised in Russia, at least from a formal
and legal point of view. In practice, the situation is somewhat different.
With some exceptions, it could be argued that there are no parties in the
traditional sense in Russia, because many have practically no members
apart from the leadership and the party apparatus, and some alliances are
formed only as a function of parliamentary elections. The Parliament
does not play the role that it should play, and that it plays in developed
parliamentary democracies. After the 1995 election, both the parties and
ther Parliament have found their own ways of functioning, so that today
one can speak of a process of programmatic equalisation of the parties,
which is mainly determined by their efforts to survive in Parliament.
Even in foreign policy, the differences between parties have been
brought to a minimum.
Fourth, the slow movement towards the new societal arrange-
ments, and the preservation of old institutions and manners of gover-
nance within these new arrangements, have helped generate personifica-
tion of governance. The unfinished arrangements in party organisation,
the instability of the Parliament, and the governmental inefficiencies in
solving economic problems, have led to the Presidency appearing as the
main factor of integrity of the nation, based on the need to preserve the
178
territorial integrity (especially in the 1993 constitutional crisis), and to
maintain a desirable political identity or Russia (the reformist orienta-
tion).
In crisis periods, the Presidency can have some positive dimen-
sions. However, if there are no political mechanisms to limit the exercise
of Presidential discretion in decision-making, once crises are over a dan-
ger appears that power might be abused and exercised as a form of abso-
lutism. The exceedingly strong Presidency in Russia is a critical factor,
but at the same time it must be conceded that there are still societal rea-
sons for rule by decree. The level of démocratisation of the Russian soci-
ety will determine the future of such a nearly absolute system of presi-
dential governance.
Firth, the complex process of pluralisation of the Soviet society,
which was a result of the internal political and economic movements, as
well as those in international affairs, generated the issue of national
emancipation. The first wave of caving in of the monolythic unity of the
Soviet state appeared as a process of creation of national movements in
the non-Russian republics, whose main programmatic orientation was di-
rected at the acquisition of a right to linguistic, cultural, and religious
autonomy from Russia. The activities of the national movements and
their political elites soon turned into open struggle for separation from
the Russian state. The wave of national awakening led to the disintegra-
tion of the Soviet state, but it also jeopardised the territorial integrity of
the Russian Federation. The radicalism of some national movements has
largely influenced the efforts to solve the issue of defining the national
nature of the Russian state.
Given the numerous unsolved issues, the current circumstances
warrant that the solutions offered by the Russian actors may be consid-
ered inadequate. This concerns both those solutions that are based on
the concept of a civil Russia, and those based on the notion that a
natural Russian domination is an acceptable recognisable framework
for a new national policy. Contemporary Russia is far from being at an
appropriate degree of development of democratic relations and institu-
tions which would warrant the plausibility of arguing for the creation of
a civil society. On the other hand, given the inter-ethnic relations in the
Russian state, one can not reasonably argue that ethnic Russians can be a
priori considered a dominant nation. Both theories are one-sided, and
this is why they cannot be a sufficiently comprehensive framework for
the solution of inter-ethnic problems in Russia today.
179
SADRÉAJ
Uvod.......................................................... 9
IGLAVA
FAKTORI KOJI SU UTICALI NA RASPAD SISTEMA TZV.
REALNOG SOCIJALIZMA U SSSR-U .................................. 14
Unutrasnji uzroci krize.................................. 15
Kriza legitimiteta........................ 15
Politicki faktori......................... 20
Ekonomski faktori......................... 21
Ideoloski faktori........................ 22
Medunarodni faktori krize................................ 22
Nestajanje osnovnih poluga sistema vlasti................ 23
Komunistickapartija Sovjetskog Saveza..... 24
Erozija Sovjetske driave............................ 30
Oruiane snage ..................................... 32
KGB (Komitet drzavne bezbednosti) . 33
Razvlascenje centra...................................... 35
Program Prvo Rusija ................................... 37
Kraj puta................................................ 38
II GLAVA
STVARANJE VISEPARTIJSKOG SISTEMA U RUSIJI:
OPSTEDRUSTVENE PRETPOSTAVKE I FAZE RAZVOJA..................... 41
Okviri promena i nacini ispoljavanja..................... 41
Stvaranje i evolucija partija........................ 47
Osnovne etape razvoja savremenog ruskog visepartizma .... 55
Period neformalnib drustvenih pokreta
(1986-1988) ....................................... 56
Narodni frontovii formiranje
protopartijskih struktura (1988-1989)..... 57
Formiranje partija(1990-1991) .............. 59
Partije i savezi posle
avgustovskog vojnogpuca(1991-1993) ............................. 65
Stvaranje socijalne baze politickih partija i pokreta ........ 69
Politicka polarizacija tokom 1993. godine..................... 74
Aprilski referendum o poverenju predsedniku (1993.)............................... 77
III GLAVA
PARLAMENTARNI ZIVOT U RUSIJI ........................................ 81
Prvi parlamentarni izbori 1993. godine........................ 81
Problemi sa kojima su se su partije i ...................................... 81
Pravila izbora .......................................... 83
Blok reformista............................................... 84
Antireformski blok............................................ 86
Blok centristicke orijentacije ................................ 87
Konstitucionalizacija ruske drzave............................ 91
Ustavna pozicija predsednika dráave ........................... 96
IV GLAVA
POLITICKI MOZAIK SAVREMENE RUSIJE....................................................... 104
Osnovne karakteristike partijskog sistema......................................... 104
Politicka kultura ruskog biraca.............................. 107
Odnos snaga u Dumi................................................................ 112
Predsednik — viada — Parlament.................................................... 113
Politicke partije i pokreti u Dumi
izmedu parlamentarnih izbora 1993. i 1995. godine ................................ 115
Deputatske grupacije reformisti orijentacije . 115
Deputatske grupacije centristicke orijentacije.................. 116
Deputatske grupacije antireformisticke orijentacije............. 118
Parlamentarni izbori 1995......................................................... 120
Rezultati izbora za Dumu.......................................................... 123
Partije koje su izasle na izbore............................................ 124
Perspektive viSepartijskog sistema ............................................... 128
Predsednicki izbori 1996................................... 129
V GLAVA
NACIONALNI PROBLEMI RUSIJE ......................................... 133
Pogled unazad - teorija “socijalisticke nacije”.............. 134
Nacionalno pitanje u vreme perestrojke ....................... 137
Savremeno stanje - konfliktna podrucja..................... 139
Problemi Rusije ........................................... 140
Problemi Rusije sa pribaltickim zemljama............. 143
Rusko-ukrajinski odnosi.............................. 146
Konflikti u Pridnjestrovlju ......................... 148
Rusija i meduetnicki konflikti u Zakavkazju.......... 150
Medunacionalni problemi u Centralnoj Aziji i Rusija . 154
Uzroci pojave nacionalnih konflikata u Rusiji ............. 157
Dileme nacionalne politike Rusije ......................... 160
Z AKLJUCNA RAZMATRANJA ......................................... 166
POGOVOR ........................................................ 170
PE3Í0ME......................................................... 171
SUMMARY......................................................... 176
LITERATURA.................................................... 180
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189
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kurjak, Jelica |
| author_facet | Kurjak, Jelica |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kurjak, Jelica |
| author_variant | j k jk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV043366391 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)956490674 (DE-599)BVBBV043366391 |
| era | Geschichte 1990-1996 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1990-1996 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Russland |
| id | DE-604.BV043366391 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-24T04:52:41Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 8670670585 8670670577 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028785452 |
| oclc_num | 956490674 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 189 Seiten |
| publishDate | 2000 |
| publishDateSearch | 2000 |
| publishDateSort | 2000 |
| publisher | Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu |
| record_format | marc |
| spellingShingle | Kurjak, Jelica Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4046584-6 (DE-588)4175047-0 (DE-588)4076899-5 |
| title | Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) |
| title_auth | Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) |
| title_exact_search | Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) |
| title_full | Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) dr Jelica Kurjak |
| title_fullStr | Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) dr Jelica Kurjak |
| title_full_unstemmed | Političke promene u Rusiji (1990-1996) dr Jelica Kurjak |
| title_short | Političke promene u Rusiji |
| title_sort | politicke promene u rusiji 1990 1996 |
| title_sub | (1990-1996) |
| topic | Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Politisches System Politischer Wandel Russland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028785452&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028785452&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028785452&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kurjakjelica politickepromeneurusiji19901996 |