Sârbii din România în secolul XX
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Sârbii din România în secolul XX |c ed.: Miodrag Milin. Autori: Alexandrea Bogdanovici ... |
| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a The Serbs of Romania in XX-th century |
| 264 | 1 | |a Cluj-Napoca |b Ed. Argonaut |c 2012 | |
| 300 | |a 328 S. |b Ill. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
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| 490 | 1 | |a Biblioteca Institutului de Istorie Cluj |v 17 | |
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| 500 | |a PST: The Serbs of Romania in XX-th century. - Teilw. in kyrill. Schr., serb. - Beitr. teilw. rumän., teilw. serb. Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
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| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Geschichte |A z |
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| 700 | 1 | |a Milin, Miodrag |d 1950- |e Sonstige |0 (DE-588)1046250493 |4 oth | |
| 700 | 1 | |a Bogdanovici, Alexandra |e Sonstige |4 oth | |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025491471&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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| adam_text | CUPRINS
Prefaţă (Acad. Camil Mureşanu)
............................................................................7
Introducere
...........................................................................................................11
Notă asupra ediţiei
...............................................................................................13
Şcoală şi societate la sârbii din România (sec.
XX)
..........................................15
O poveste sumbră româno
-
sârbă de război (Miodrag Milin)
....................... 23
Црвена армија
на Дунаву (Владимир
Цветковић)
.......................................36
Armata roşie la Dunăre
(Vladimir
Cvetkovic, Miodrag Milin, Goran
Mrakić).....
51
începuturile sub imperiul „limbii de lemn (Miodrag Milin)
..........................65
Срби у
сенци тупог, дрвенастог језика (Миодраг Милин)
.........................86
Bărăganul sârbilor...............................................................................................
97
Преговори у Темишвару
1953.
године (Владимир
Цветковић)...............
101
Tratativele din Timişoara în
1953
(Vladimir
Cvetković,
Miodrag Milin)
..... 114
Deţinuţii politici (Miodrag Milin, Andrei Milin, Alexandra Bogdanovici,
Cvetko Mihajlov)
...........................................................................................126
Trei interviuri din „tabăra opusă (Miodrag Milin,
Goran
Mrakić).............
181
Biserica „sub lupă (Miodrag Milin, Alexandra Bogdanovici, Andrei Milin)
...197
Tabel nominal cu deţinuţii politici sârbi din România
..................................221
Uniunea Sârbilor de acum, într-o desfăşurare cronologică (Miodrag Milin).259
Contributorii
.................................................................................................__.315
Repere bibliografice generale
...........................................................................316
Abstract (Miodrag Milin,
Simona Neumann)....................................................
319
Abstract
The present volume
is the outcome of two not yet finalized projects, or
rather, that are delayed in coming to an end in their initial formula, for the time
being. The first project deals with the question of the Serbian political prisoners,
being, in the meantime, an investigation about the dimensions of the anti-titoist
repression and its social-juridical consequences on the minority community life. I
have initially supposed that we have a few hundreds of such unhappy cases under
our attention. Very soon however, the number rose to
600,
and at this moment it is
approaching already to
800.
It is a huge figure, if we consider that the population of
the whole Serbian minority of the time barely exceeded
30,000
inhabitants. This
surprising confrontation with the shattering reality of figures that indicate, beyond
any doubt, that the Serbians were among the most hunted population by the
Romanian communist regime, has imposed the extension of the research and the
postponement, for a while, of its completion.
The second project, which started almost in the same time with the first
one, has been the initiative of the Institute for the Study of the National Minorities
Problems. It aimed to set-up a chronology of the life of the representative
minorities organisations in Romania during the last two decades. The chronology
of the Serbians Union of Romania was a part of it.
Thus, the editor of the present volume has ended up with a double minority
historical projection from the recent past which, upon a careful reflection, has
revealed its problematic sides of either overlapping or interference.
Here is a part of the sequences that come to illustrate this loaded issue from
the recent past of the Romanian Serbs:
How was it possible to chase people and assassinate them in pure gangster
style, without any witnesses or written traces by the Yugoslav secret police on
Romanian land?
How were reactivated, in the very presence of the Red Army, the unionist
aspirations of the Serbs living near the border, being deceived by the risible offer of
their condition as a minority in Romania ruled by the communists?
How was born, by genuine fears and corruption (offers to accede to the
false equalitarian paradise of the profiteers from the system) the new and
-
regarded through today s eyes
-
cartoon-like Serbian proletarian culture,
excessively politicized, a genuine means of torture, of communitarian identity
mutilation?
How was the
Timişoara
world looking like during the full Stalinist era,
traumatized by the presence of the Soviet troops which suffocated any dimension
of free expression of the national Romanian spirit?
319
Which were the main means of the repression mechanism and political
control developed by the system toward the minorities?
Which were the „special treatments exercised by
Securitate
on the
Serbian Orthodox Church, the most conservative minority institution, passed as
such under the control, surveillance and thorough checking and, on case by case
basis, callous repression with painful consequences to the community life?
What destructive effects did cause this negative action on the „system
servants from within the community?
And finally
-
what was the outcome of these complicated reactions and
malefic interconnections in the minority alchemy of the new domestic democracy?
The following pages are, in their own way, possible explanations to these
series of sensitive questions, which are, until now without any answer, concerning
the problematic, wavy, and finally catered and traumatic life of our minorities
confronted with the domestic communist experience and its damaging post-
totalitarian consequences.
Minorities who, as an integral part of the deranged Romanian world, failed
to prove the necessary maturity for a genuine new beginning and absolution from
the repudiated phantoms of the past which are keeping haunting, being resurgent
by the collective sub-consciousness of our problematic democracy.
After the clumsiness of a borrowed start, in the recycled art of Stalinist
patterns for the Serb minority, at the beginning of the 50 s, the first native voices
occurred. They were intense, even smothering, with terror, and generated a
measurable artistic creativity, infested by fears and prejudice, the overall guilty
complex, anytime a possible antechamber for the most violent physical oppression.
Having many real intellectuals imprisoned than actually at large a
separation of the wheat from the chaff was done. A dramatic split pushing the
cultural expression of the minority on to the lost paths of
politicai
confrontation
and suppression of freedom of expression.
The so-called proletarian culture flourished into the system s institutions. It
was despised and politically used, never at home, unrecognized or inadequately
perceived, more likely as a cultural expression exercise on the official language,
but of a strange identity for the country and native culture.
The result of these traumas was a minor artistic creation, marked by
frustrations and failures, never and nowhere entirely valued, obedient to everyday
politics that kept it on intensive care, until it finally passed away.
After the WWII relations between Yugoslavia and Romania were very good
because in both countries were established communist regimes supported by
Moscow. But, severe ideological conflict between
Josip Broz
Tito and Stalin led to
agravation of Yugoslavia s interstate relations with all the people s democracies
and with Romania too. The consequences of bad relations were obvious in any
320
segment of interstate relations,
but the
worst
situation was along Yugoslav-
Romanian border and among Serbian national minority in Romania,
wich was
inhabited near common border and along Danube. Soon after the death of Joseph
Stalin in march
1953.
some important changes started in USSR, and the
preconditions for improvement of Yugoslav-romanian relations were created. The
nagotiations abouth settlement for resolving border incidents,
wich
took part in
Timişoara,
were the first occasion to arrange disordered situation along common
border and to start improving relations between two countries. Also, Yugoslav
delegation s stay in
Timişoara
was for Yugoslav s rare occasion to be acquainted
with general situation in Romania witch was reflection of Stalinist nature of
Romanian regime. Obvious signs of such nature of Romanian regime, seen by
members of Yugoslav delegation, were extreme secretiveness, police character of
society, limited individual freedom, crushing state of mind of Romanian people
and omnipresence of Soviet Red Army.
Political Prisoners: Symptomatic Fatalities
Laza Adamov
belongs to the first generation of the Serbian „antifascists and
„democrats, who naively subjected themselves to the democratization process of
Romania following the radical example of Yugoslavia during the first post-war
years. He was a prominent member of the Serbian delegation who arrived to
Belgrade on
27
March
1945,
in order to discuss the future of the Serbians in a new
Romania. He was an earnest collaborator from the very early years of the fall of
1944,
of the
„Pravda
seasonal publication in
Timişoara,
a genuine sign of vocal
adulation of the Soviets and of their warrior messages (such as „Death to Fascism!
,
„Freedom to people! and others of this kind). Equally zealous and vocal for the
conviction of the „reactionary Church (that is of the official one, from under the
canonical jurisdiction of Belgrade s Patriarchy) and for state takeover of the
minority confessional schools. His enthusiasm went down however after UACDSR
failed of being politically involved in
Banat.
In the meantime, the Ministry of
Education within the
Petru Groza1
s
government had appointed an inspector for the
Serbian schools, as an instrument of pressure against the conservative wing of the
Church and confessional schools.
Disappointed or just put behind by the new political „vocalists of the
union, he would rather play a walk-on role in the new quest concerning the
Resolution concerning the Yugoslav issue in the summer of
1948.
Nevertheless, he
remained important enough in order to be „contained in the „tsunami wave of the
Serbians persecution, known as the generically creator of shakes and fears
„Lawsuit of the titoist, fascist, imperialists traitors... , started in August
1950.
The episode of his „game with
Securitatea
is not particularly severe as the
„subject survived, it seems without major traumas, it is severe however when we
realize that this was rather a rule from which there was no escape unless the
The Union of the
Slavik
Democratic Associations of Romania.
321
„boc/y
or the „authorities
/eftyou alone. And when we think that all those who
went through the atrocious tests were social persons, with friends, families, with
the intimacy of the unwritten
mies
of the minority universe, then we realize the
overwhelming dimension of the containment of the whole minority life under the
foggy cone, of fears and dismays, either unleashed or tempered according to the
self-will of the
Securitate.
Bojidar Stanoievici comes somehow from the second echelon of the
Serbian militants, of those who reveal themselves after
28
June
1948,
being most
probably the most severe objector of the antititoist Resolution and vehement
follower of the Yugoslav cause in the dangerous and uneven dispute.
He is the moral author of the so-called pro-Yugoslav ^Couter-rezolution .
We do not know exactly if this risky opposition produced a coherent text as well,
politically charged „on opposition 1, but we have the certainty that a state of spirit
vehemently favourable to the Yugoslavs had proliferated within the Serbian
minority (touching somehow some Germans and even Romanians from the border
place
Banat).
Its most dynamic representative was most likely Bojidar
Stanoievici2,who motivated his comrades from the UACDSR leadership to
persevere on Tito s line by invoking a regrettable evanescent misunderstanding
of the Yugoslav way by other Eastern actors.
To what extent such (rather naive!) opinions could have had an echo
within his compatriots is subject to another discussion; or, rather, the fact that many
of the
tonner
war partisans (of which more than
2000
originate from Romania) had
remained loyal to the Yugoslavian marshal also after repatriation. Again it is about
pure co-national sympathy in the case of some
naives
or believers and genuine
regimentation, with
senice
commitments at UDB-a or even turning into hardliners
in the case of most „gifted ones.
Such a „hard nuts from
Clisură
was Stanoievici, always a remonstrator
against the state of facts in Romania and deluding himself with a hypothetical
„Yugoslavian communist paradise which he would not really find ever, despite
his late experience as „asylum seeker in
Novi Sad.
Unlike the predecessor,
Laza
Adamov,
a person coming from the field of
education, sensible and having broken illusions after the traumatic experience,
Bojidar Stanoievici. the popular
Boja
among his friends, was a taught person, and
an unbowed one.
He was the first to be grasped by the
Securitate
and abused in different
ways in order to make him divulge his network;1 he created wild plans to evade
A view shared by the author and Stevan Lepoiev. former comrade of Stanoievici in the
UACDSR leadership and latter in the prison. An interesting novel -a praise about Stanoievici
s
the vertical statue of, see in
Мпленовпћ.
Чедомігр. Пут жалосних
јаблани
(Milenović,
Čedomir,
Aleea plopilor
uisti),
Темишвар.
2001
Стојанов,
Павле.
Југоаовенска
национална
мањшш
у Румуни]
u
(Stojanov.
Pavle,
Minoritäten
Naţională iugoslavă din
Románia
[The National Yugoslavian Minority of
Romania]),
Београд,
1953.
p.
142 - 143
322
from custody and prison, he caused the beginning of the fall of an illusion
oftrast
among his compatriots, but he stayed always vertical, being the symbol of a
genuine Serbian proletarian from the left-wing. We have to admit that
Securitatea
was intuitive enough, therefore it continuously watched and harassed him until the
decision of his extradition was approved (most probably, with ease).
Being recruited right after his liberation as an informer, he was among the
very few prominent Serbs that succeeded to „disappoint the
Securitate.
Therefore
he would enjoy a special attention, almost all the time being surrounded by a
genuine network of informers. Here is a snapshot from a „later phase of his
pursuance, during the
60s
and
70s
before his decision to leave Romania.
Another story, suggestive for the lack of hope of the minority with
assumed identity, in the prison without walls called communist Romania, is the one
ofSilinMiladin.
Being imprisoned ever since
1950
for real and imaginary guilt attributed
to those belonging to UACDSR such as „capital treason and other from the same
tough category of class fight, he was investigated and „squeezed of information...
„Which I give, support and sign for unconstrained ... in the Aiud prison.
Being recruited by
Securitate
upon his discharge that came as
unexpectedly as his conviction, he was regimented in the network aimed to watch
Boja
Stanoievici and his allies, who were labelled as „the heads of the Tito
reaction and later as „Serbian nationalists , in accordance with the time and
repressive „priorities . They were given Romanian conspiratorial names
(
such as
the fervent „Adam Ion , then „Dimitriu Mircea ,
„Bratu
Gheorghe , „Nedelcu
Mihai , „lonescu Lucian , „Ion
Victor and others) in order to better „conceal the
co-national informers, seeming to be cut out from lugubrious cop movies
scenarios and „patriotic ones for children; conspirational places, equally
deplorable (such as
„Dinamo
bar, TAPL wine warehouse), with characters such as
a grocery s paying teller4 or a taxi driver; and the topic were equally absurd as well,
coming from a morbid complicity of the executioner with his victim: the situation
in China, the „love story between Tito and Enver of the Albanians, Nehru and his
„comrade
Hruşciov,
the Tibet and Dalai-Lama and so one and so forth, all from
the same category, where the interlocutors were most probably „first-rank experts ,
„invaluable sources for the equally „brilliant strategists of the sad Romanian
communist faith.
This,
Sava
Bugarschi, lugubrious character, guardian at
Securitate
and spy at UDB-a (at a
certain point having as mission to poison the convicted
Boja
Stanoievici); then, after „the
rightful! imprisonement, was head of a grocery store (a period of time when he prooved to be
very
performant
by giving information about his co-nationals in informative materials that count
thousands of pages, colated at CNSAS, comparable in their dimenssion with a popular edition of
Tolstoi s „War and Peace1 ); and, finally, enthusiastic pro-Yugoslavian
„disident11,
with
residence and
penssion
for „merit in
Novi Sad.
It can be estimated that he activated equally
hardly for UDB-a as well.
323
Lastly, it was blackmail against freedom, or ignoring some crimes (either
set-up or real, it does not matter!), such as the one with the wine in the warehouse,
in exchange of watching Stanoievici or the tourist from Belgrade who came by bus
in
Timişoara
for visit or do small „rattle ... Life suffocated him in misery, so that
finally he started enjoying what he was doing, until he intermingled resignation
with existential fulfilment. He finally came to a state of inertia of mind and thought
so he was eventually abandoned by the „organs , like a squeezed lemon. Since we
face a „classical model of identity corruption, through recruitment based on
blackmail by the Secret Police of the communist state, we shall present further
extensive archive information, unveiling the sinuous game of allurement through
blackmail and abandoning, as an integral part of the „contract with the devil
rule....
Three interviews from the
oponent
camp
Mirco Jiveovici was PMR activist in
Timişoara (Banat)
region during the
„comb-out times of
1948.
He was promoted in Bucharest as well, where he
supervised the Yugoslavian pro-Stalinist emigrants (Serbs as well, in fact) who fled
to Romania.
His opinions are critical to
Alexandru Curiei
(an activist under his
command) who was delegated by the PMR to reorganize UACDSR following the
disposal of the „Titoist members from the administration. Curici s rigid position
„on the line against his co-nationals would have been determined by educational
tares, specific to those who originate from
Clisură
and being in clear discrepancy
with those from the northern part of
Banat
region.
He knew
Vida
Nedici from his youth, being a good friend of his wife s.
She worked at the
Securitate
in
Timişoara
when, following Jiveovici
s
proposal,
she was transferred „in the party s interest to Bucharest. She was a valuable
person. Jiveovici, though, did not know about
Vida
Nedici
s
recruitment by UDB-
a, while volunteered on the
Samac
-
Sarajevo railway building ground in the
summer of
1947.
In Bucharest they collaborated closely. At a certain moment eight
youngsters from Foeni (the birthplace of professor Jiveovici) were arrested. There
was put a high pressure on them in order to prepare a trial where Jiveovici himself
would be involved. Even
Vida
Nedici (who was already imprisoned) was subjected
to huge tortures (among others, she was kept naked in her cell during wintertime),
in order to persuade her to collaborate, as a key witness of prosecution.
Nevertheless, she refused, resisting up to the end (she was sorry for the Jiveovici s
little boy to whom she was attached and therefore she protected his life).
He considered that the main responsibility was not of the Romanian Serbs
(who were seduced by UDB-a), and who were quite naive and politically
unprepared for such an endeavour. The real responsible were the Yugoslavian
agents („the UDB-as , that is the
„Securitate
members ) who were on mission in
324
Romania after the war (other Serbs, n. n.) who were strongly committed to achieve
their objectives. They were in possession of the lists with people and missions. In
fact there was about a real war between the two secret services, many of them
ending up in prison because
ofthat.
PMR had a particularly cordial position towards the Yugoslav emigrants of
that time, giving them money, apartments...
Jivcovici was a member of PCR ever since high school, starting
1941.
He
always sympathised with the Russians. His father was prisoner in Russia in
1917
and spoke to him vividly about the Russians. Thus he came closer to the PCR ever
since he was a pupil in the school. Soon he became a „first line member and
activist on the party s payroll. For him, everything that came from the USSR was
„saint ... „for me, at least and party discipline was such like that in the army.
Researches concerning the Serbs were conducted by the activist from the
Headquarters, Iosif
Bogdan.
Fíe
was, in fact a Jew from
Timişoara,
his real name
being Salomon. He worked directly with the regional first-secretary (Stanciu?) and
with the minister of interior Teoharie Georgrescu. He was brutal, publicly slapping
one of the field activists because he did not do his job properly. He was ambitious
to come into Gheorghiu-Dej s attention and he hated the Serbs.
In the sensitive issues regarding the Serbians, Jivcovici was „avoided .
Therefore he was not called to any of the party s meetings where the fate of the
UACDSR activists was decided...
Alexandru Curiei
was a teacher. He became regional party activist and
opened, as an activist, the Pedagogical Institute of
Timişoara
becoming in the
meantime student in mathematics. The „staff was changed at UADSR and he was
sent by the parry „to work there as chief secretary. He got the „directives from
the Party, from Mirco Jivcovici, and he just had to „perform them. He admits
though that „he was separated by the rest of the UACDSs however „he was not in
Hne
with what they did . He was handsome, they were young, they were
sympathetic... „the enemy was in front of us and we had to fight against that
enemy .
„ -
Which enemy?
„
It was beautiful, we got directives
...
from.
„Many suffered, were chased away from schools...
„ -1
did not have any
connection with this... There were two camps that confronted each other, because
Yugoslavia was ...much more advanced than Romania... Here reaction was quite
powerful ...however it was good as well... Lugubrious and that s it.5
Milan Petrovici. Serb from Belgrade, with military studies in the USSR,
suspected, upon coming back in Yugoslavia, of having post-Stalinist sympathies.
Feeling himself pushed to the wall by UDB-a, he preferred to immigrate rather
than going into prison. Thinking to reach Moscow but he was stopped on his way
For all that, being „rewarded with a luxurious apartment by the Party for the invaluable
„ideological services ceilling imbecility (either pretended or real, I could not figure it out). Our
»an is „close even now, methamorphosing himself in a zebus Orthodix faithrull.
325
(and stopped in his enthusiasm, too! m.n) by the organisation of a propaganda
office of the Cominform in Bucharest.
Therefore he remained in Romania where he got in contact, in his own
way, with the reality of the Serbian minority as well. In Bucharest he
communicated with Mirco Jivcovici,
Vida Nedici...
He noticed the presence of the
inferiority complex surrounding the very existence of the minority population
towards the „genuine Yugoslavian Serbs , intellectuals and revolutionaries by
profession.
The emigrants were the ones that laid down on new linguistic and political
premises the Serbian publications in Romania. They were the first Marxist-Leninist
„teachers 7 of the peasants of our
Banat,
many of them former partisans, infiltrated
into UDB-a with the titoist „opium .
Here was born, in fact the breach between the Serbians who were
sympathisers and respectively opposers of Tito. They made
„Pravda , „Kulturni
uputni
к ,
„Pod zastavom Internacionalizma , Radio „Slobodna Jugoslavija ^o
come into life. In reality they were privileged of Gheorghiu-Dej s system. And, by
the means of the
сшеї
play of fate, without will or antagonistic convictions, they
were delivered into the camp of those who oppressed the minorities back home
based on their identity background. Hence a certain awkwardness to display openly
their „Serbnesness .
Finally they remained somehow in anchor around the high level structures
of state politics, later at
„Ştefan
Gheorghiu , „Kriterion , Radio
„Bucureşti ...
A
sort of sad privileged, without freedom and without their own country; they kept
away
from
being identified with the „poor Serbs at the Border but in the
meantime they were looking to partner with Serbian women from
Banat
exclusively.
They were living in the company of Mirco Jivcovici,
Gizela
Vass,
and
Silviu
Brucan; then around president
Iliescu,
or
Mioara
and
Petre
Roman, Mircea
Dinescu...
They were some sort of Belgrade people on „sine die mission in
Bucharest, being themselves, too, victims of the unhappy context of the Cold War
and of the most recent events in the Balkans. To the same extent they were
successful persons, some of them finding themselves perfectly integrated in the
foggy and unpredictable milieu of the fierce,
balkánik
capitalism that overwhelmed
the new mercantile elite of Bucharest, as well. They were rediscovered nationally
„on retirement * and capitalized by being integrated in the Serbian s Union of
Romania (its Bucharest branch).
The Church under lump
The documents below are but a first and discreet ray in the dark world of
surveyors and rulers of repression in the system, turned into move as a priority
objective of class fight, within repression at this time the Serbian Church being in
the streamline.
326
An entire network of (informative) chase was hatched around the Serbian
Orthodox Church, starting the first days of the
Securitate
s existence in the new
popular republic; the fight against the comunautarian-minoritarian
pravoslavnic
mode, built on the Serbian Orthodox values, was, paradoxically, the only topic of a
full consensus between the two secret services
(Securitatea
and UDBA) who
recently entered the weird belligerence of the Cold War .
The Church, legitimate from everlasting from under the Serbian Patriarchy
jurisdiction, stayed at the beginning as a thorn in the Yugoslav secret service s
flesh . They made the scene with the officials from the
Petru Groza
government, as
cultural counsellors, embassy secretaries, press attaches etc. asking that the
minority and religious inspectors to be appointed from among the acolytes of the
communist power in Belgrade. Prime-minister
Groza,
extremely bright and
cynical, eager to avoid the stressful recommendations of dominant Tito, accepted
all the suggestions coming from the embassy concerning the appointment of
Serbian staff.
Soon afterwards things turned into an unexpected direction: the
PMRisť
priests became equally unwanted as the former anti-fascist activists,
whose validity was spread around everywhere in the summer of
1948.
Now the
more persistent signs of lack of confidence and suspicion towards the pursuivants
of the Cross who were exposed to the dangerous conflict between the systems were
starting to germinate.
He was a stubborn who manifested himself at the Border as PMR
activist and Yugoslavian patriot in the meantime, a fact that become incompatible
according to the new canons of the Informative Office: he was caught with
discreditable brochures for the state security, and would pay with a vengeance for
the audacity of his free nature by being excluded from the PMR, severely
investigated and thrust into a dungeon for the most severe political sins invented
by the penal code belonging to the proletarian justice. I have searched his faith
afterwards, upon liberation and, surprisingly, I found out that he lived a good life
and green old age. I also found out afterwards the cost of this
Wellness ,
by
searching his penal prosecution file which was still active in
1970.
Another brave servant of the Serbian faith, who made superhuman efforts
during the interwar period in order to organize a Serbian private and accredited
boarding high school course (in the village
Gelu,
Timiş
county), would be, during
the revenge time, investigated and convicted during his old age to
25
years of
imprisonment for
...
espionage and for setting-up a network of Yugoslavian spies
(ihat
is his former pupils). It was a sign of good luck that the crazy period was
ended in
1955;
otherwise the vigilant
Securitate
would have imprisoned all
priests (and afterwards maybe the parishioners, too).
The beginnings of the 50s come with such
tables-fiches
of priests who
were taken under surveillance through informers having the funniest code
names, imprisoned, prosecuted, checked upon, becoming suspicions elements (to
327
the most merciful appellation); basically the entire Orthodox Church was about to
be lifted and imprisoned for titoist espionage, hostility towards the new republic
and other signs of such kind.
And this is, as we mentioned, just a first and discreet look into the endless
labyrinth of the secret archives world. Things seem so overwhelmingly absurd that,
for the time being, we cannot risk to advance judgements to shape conclusions
within the spheres of the reality of civic and political common sense.
328
|
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| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
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| geographic | Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Rumänien |
| id | DE-604.BV040664782 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:28:37Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789731093376 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025491471 |
| oclc_num | 854683126 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 328 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Ed. Argonaut |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteca Institutului de Istorie Cluj |
| series2 | Biblioteca Institutului de Istorie Cluj Seria Documente, istorie, mărturii |
| spelling | Sârbii din România în secolul XX ed.: Miodrag Milin. Autori: Alexandrea Bogdanovici ... The Serbs of Romania in XX-th century Cluj-Napoca Ed. Argonaut 2012 328 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteca Institutului de Istorie Cluj 17 Seria Documente, istorie, mărturii PST: The Serbs of Romania in XX-th century. - Teilw. in kyrill. Schr., serb. - Beitr. teilw. rumän., teilw. serb. Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 g Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 s Geschichte z DE-604 Milin, Miodrag 1950- Sonstige (DE-588)1046250493 oth Bogdanovici, Alexandra Sonstige oth Biblioteca Institutului de Istorie Cluj 17 (DE-604)BV041063376 17 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025491471&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025491471&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Sârbii din România în secolul XX Biblioteca Institutului de Istorie Cluj Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4054596-9 (DE-588)4050939-4 |
| title | Sârbii din România în secolul XX |
| title_alt | The Serbs of Romania in XX-th century |
| title_auth | Sârbii din România în secolul XX |
| title_exact_search | Sârbii din România în secolul XX |
| title_full | Sârbii din România în secolul XX ed.: Miodrag Milin. Autori: Alexandrea Bogdanovici ... |
| title_fullStr | Sârbii din România în secolul XX ed.: Miodrag Milin. Autori: Alexandrea Bogdanovici ... |
| title_full_unstemmed | Sârbii din România în secolul XX ed.: Miodrag Milin. Autori: Alexandrea Bogdanovici ... |
| title_short | Sârbii din România în secolul XX |
| title_sort | sarbii din romania in secolul xx |
| topic | Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Serben Rumänien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025491471&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025491471&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV041063376 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT milinmiodrag sarbiidinromaniainsecolulxx AT bogdanovicialexandra sarbiidinromaniainsecolulxx AT milinmiodrag theserbsofromaniainxxthcentury AT bogdanovicialexandra theserbsofromaniainxxthcentury |