Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939

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1. Verfasser: Jarnecki, Michał 1960- (VerfasserIn)
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Sprache:Polish
Veröffentlicht: Kalisz [u.a.] Kaliskie Tow. Przyjaciół Nauk 2009
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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text SPIS TREŚCI Wstęp . Rozdział 1. Miejsce problematyki ukraińskiej w relacjach II Rzeczypospolitej i międzywojennej Czechosłowacji. Kwestia irredenty ..............................................21 Rozdział 2. Czas konfrontacji: lata 1918-1921. Trudne narodziny państw i konfliktu ..................................................................37 Problematyka ukraińska w oczach czeskich elit politycznych w dobie poprzedzającej „wielką wojnę i podczas jej trwania ....................................37 Początek gry ukraińską kartą. W cieniu Cieszyna oraz wojen w Galicji i z bolszewicką Rosją ..........................................................46 „Czechosłowacka Ukraina (?) , czyli przyłączenie Rusi Zakarpackiej do ČSR ................73 Rozdział 3. Pomiędzy konfrontacją a poprawnością w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich. „Usychająca przyjaźń czechosłowacko-ukraińska. 1313 1921-1931..............................................................................................89 Początek „ruskiej akcji i jej ukraiński wymiar. ČSR wobec ukraińskiej emigracji ..........89 W stronę względnej stabilizacji i prób porozumienia. Przed i wokół decyzji Rady Ambasadorów ........................................................100 Meandry sprawy ukraińskiej w polityce zagranicznej Czechosłowacji i wobec ukraińskiego wychodźstwa przed i po Locarno ........................................116 Kłopotliwy nabytek. Problemy z Rusią Podkarpacką i na wschodniej Słowacji ............132 Rozdział 4. W obliczu nowych wyzwań i zagrożeń: lata 1931-1938..........................155 Dylematy i rozdroża czechosłowackiej polityki zagranicznej ..................................155 Zmierzch tzw. „ruskiej akcji w świetle nowych wyzwań i priorytetów czechosłowackiej polityki zagranicznej. ...........................................165 Partner czy rywal? Ukraińska emigracja na ścieżce emancypacji i związane z tym kłopoty Pragi. Oko w oko z irredenta czyli wokół sprawy Pierackiego ......................................................................170 Irredenta ante portas. Polaryzacja stosunków na Rusi i wzmożone zainteresowanie krajem przez Polskę i Węgry .....................................183 Rozdział 5. W dobie rozkładu Republiki i systemu wersalskiego (1938-1939)..............199 Międzynarodowe i wewnętrzne tło agonii oraz rozkładu Pierwszej oraz krótkotrwałej Drugiej Republiki ...............................................................199 Miejsce Rusi i problematyki oraz irredenty ukraińskiej w procesie rozkładu Czechosłowacji. Definitywne rozejście się dróg emigracji ukraińskiej i zastępczej ojczyzny ..................................................208 Ukraiński Piemont na Rusi (Ukrainie) Zakarpackiej w dobie autonomicznej ..............216 Zakończenie ................................................................................................241 Skróty ........................................................................................................245 Indeks osobowy ...........................................................................................247 Bibliografia .................................................................................................255 Synopsis ....................................................................................................269 Ilustracje ....................................................................................................273 Synopsis Ukrainian irredentism became after 1918 since birth or restitution of two Slavonic states Czechoslovakia and Poland, one of issues empoisoning mutual relationships. Those relationships were tensed enough already because of many other, more important reasons. Both states were divided by a territorial dispute over Cieszyn Silesia and later re¬ gional rivalry over domination and relation to Russia. Ukrainian issue completed a list of controvertial points. Polish rival Czechoslovakia quickly realized that as a result of deep Polish-Ukrainian conflict in East Galicia (Easter Minor Poland) there opened a possi¬ bility to discount that fact and weaken the neighbour. Poland s reaction was then, at the dawn of independence, supporting still a relatively weak Slovak separatism. Such activi¬ ties evoked annoyance in Prague. It is worth underlining that support of the II Republic of Poland for ultra Slovakian nationalists ( a group of Jehlička and Unger) never reached the same dimension as a similar one on the Chech side for Ukrainians. Chechoslovakia perceived pursuing Ukrainian policy as a kind of Russian policy substitute. It was Russia, preferably white, and not independent Ukraine, which made an ideal partner in the eyes of Prague decision makers, the so called Hrad group gathered around president Masaryk and minister of foreign affairs Beneš. Changing international and home realties reflected themselves on relations of Chech authorities to the Ukrainian issue and irredentism directing its edge against Poland. That was the reason to accept a chronological criteria. First charter presents in a shortened way an outline of political relationships between Poland and Czechoslovakia in an inter- war period. Charter two has been devoted to years 1918-1921. It was the time of confron¬ tation of the two states put in conflict mainly because of Cieszyn issue. However, lack of will for a compromise satisfying both sides and high emotional level resulted in spread¬ ing the conflict onto other areas of mutual relationships. To weaken the northern rival and to secure the rear through tying down Polish potential, Chechoslovakia reached for a Ukrainian card. To tell the truth, Prague did not go as far as to officially accept West Ukrainian People s Republic government, but it kept close informal relationships with it. Eugeniusz Petruszewicz, WUPR leader, visited Prague and met with Republics leaders. It also hosted Ukrainian military and political refugees fleeing after defeats by Poland or fugitives from Petlura s army, who also came from East Galicia (mainly the so-called Krauss brigade). It also turned a blind eye on spreading in camps, internment only by name, propaganda aimed at II Republic. Soldiers held operational readiness, carried on exercises, even received, not a big but still, soldier s pay. The Czechs showed a different, far more distant relationship towards the other Poland s allied state - Ukrainian Peoples Republic (UPR) from the Dnieper River area. What separated them was a relation to¬ wards Poland and Russia which, regardless whether white or red, had no intention to come to terms with partition and separation of Ukraine. Chechoslovakian Republic it¬ self took over a small piece of a Ukrainian land in the form of Subcarpathian Rus where majority of population did not have clear national orientation though. Prague rulers de¬ clared instituting autonomy in the country. Postponing fulfilment of that promise made 269- the first governor of the province, coming from the USA G. Żatkowycz, give up his posi¬ tion. Next chapter mentions 1921-1931 years. Pacification of relations in East Europe in¬ fluenced cooling down a relation of Prague towards Ukrainian military formations and political ambitions of WUPR leaders. Because of practical reasons a Polish offer to im¬ prove relations, promoted by PR (Polish Republic) minister of foreign affairs of the time K. Skirmunt and his trusted emissary in Prague E. Pütz, was also taken up. Eeven a po¬ litical treaty was signed in November 1921, with an additional secret protocol in which Chechoslovakia informally accepted Polish sovereignty over East Galicia and decided to give up pushing anti-Polish emigrants activity. Possible help for emigration was to be only humanitarian in character. Poles on their side obliged themselves to withhold sup¬ port for Slovakian irredentism. Unfortunately, the treaty was not ratified due to new ten¬ sions in Polish-Chechoslovakian relations resulting from a conflict over Jaworzyna. In the atmosphere of emotions, previously gathered stocks of mistrust got the upper hand. So the Chechs did not yet get rid of the Ukrainian card and tolerated hostile propaganda of Poland and infiltration of diversionary group on borderland. Despite those new com¬ plications Polish-Czech conflict was gradually dying out and relations of both parties kept gaining correctness. A decision of Entente Ambassadors Council of March 1923 recognizing Polish Eastern borders played a significant role in that. Pragmatic Chechs drew practical conclusions from the situation. To tell the truth, they did not recognize officially Polish borders themselves considering them non-permanent, but they accepted its presence on Eastern borderland by a tacit consent including Galicia. The same prag¬ matism, if not calculation, did not allow to oppose the West openly. The Chech party seriously cut down subsidies for Ukrainian interned soldiers till finally in 1924-1925 closed their camps and dismissed military formations. Prague s relations with Petrusze- wicz s camp, who turned out to be a political bankrupt, cooled down significantly. Gradual liquidation of Ukrainian camps did not interfere with a start of another form of help for Ukrainian and Russian emigration, the so called Rus action consisting of financing different positivist initiatives educational, social and charitable in character. At first substantial, those funds had been undergoing systematic reduction since 1927. About half of means was directed to Ukrainian circles. Prague hosts likings towards them underwent changes too. ZURLs camp fell into disgrace the earliest, and mem¬ bers of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party ruled by M. Szapowal gained fondness. He was a leader of the so called Ukrainian Social Committee which divided pretty big part of means. That politician also lost trust of a government when he showed excessive inde¬ pendence and claimed emigrants rights and criticized a delay in granting the promised autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus. The situation in that country was becoming aggravated and Prague could not run a decisive policy there, shifting its liking from one national op¬ tion to the other. The place of favoured Ukrainians, mostly emigrants from Galicia, was taken by spokesmen of Russian option followers. As a result of mistakes and abandon¬ ment of Chech bureaucracy, mainly due to autonomy issue, irredentism attitudes were given rise in Rus, at the beginning stronger among followers of Russian orientation. Next fourth chapter analyses years 1931-1938 from the point of view of Ukrainian issues in relations with Poland and Chechoslovakia. The problem in the face of break- ~270~ ing Versailles order and authority of League of Nations, growing importance of Germany and at the same time a threat to Chechoslovakia from their side, in Prague policy started playing a mariginai role. Since 1934 relations with Poland, already marked by distance and mistrust, got worse again. Poland after signing a non-aggression pact with the Third Reich felt stronger and started putting forward demands towards its neighbour to im¬ prove a situation of Polish minority in Zaolzie. Chech Republic urgently looked for new solutions and found, however without enthusiasm, an ally in USSR (1935), recognizing it earlier with partners from the Small Entente (1934). Close relations with the Soviets had to bear fruit - practical abandoning weaker Ukrainian partners, regardless of ges¬ tures and statements of Prague bureaucracy. Declaratory Soviet federalism, closer to im¬ perialism by content, did not allow a thought about emancipation of Ukraine. The new ally was not to be annoyed excessively. Rus action was gradually dying out, other institu¬ tions financed by it were disappearing, and the police followed Ukrainian activists closer and closer, especially of a radical OUN. Prague had lesser and lesser understanding for Ukrainian political ambitions, especially after a coup of previously tolerated national¬ ists (from OUN) on PR minister of foreign affairs B. Pieracki. The situation extorted a few spectacular expulsions of national activists and official severance from their actions. A situation in Subcarpathian Rus underwent a threatening evolution for Chech raison d etat. Irredentism tendencies became more distinct both in Ukrainian and Russian fol¬ lowers way. Poland and Hungary interfered in affairs of that province supporting their camps of Russian followers. Chech and Ukrainian ways were definitely separating. The final chapter discusses dramatic events at the turn of 1938-1939 when Checho¬ slovakia, left by West Great Powers, surrendered to Munich dictate. An issue of Ukrai¬ nian or even broader, Subcarpathian separatism played, to tell the truth, an insignificant role in a tragedy of the Republic, however it was not that problem which additionally weakened Prague s assets. Chechoslovakia was forced to give a strategic part of its terri¬ tory to the III Reich and also under pressure agreed to a partition of its state in a form of granting autonomy to Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus. During a short autonomous episode of Rus, and after a few weeks already Subcarpathian Ukraine, a process of Re¬ public s authority destruction on that area advanced in no time. Autonomy of Rus and a victory of a Ukrainian element there alarmed Poland. The government of PR was afraid of consequences of that process for Ukrainian community in East Minor Poland. From Warsaw point of view it was a disastrous example and pressure on Prague to restrain ambitions of autonomists from Wołoszyn group, prime minister of a local government, were obvious. Presence of fugitives from Galicia aroused annoyance in emerging Subcar¬ pathian establishment. Poland together with Hungary made an attempt to destabilize the country and tear it off from weakened Chechoslovakia in order to establish a dreamed of mutual border ( Crowbar action). As a result of the III Reich pressure those actions were broken. In the last weeks of its existence Chechoslovakia tried to restore its domi¬ nation in Subcarpathian Ukraine by nominating general L. Prchala to a local govern¬ ment. That brought only partial results and a system of a specific diarchy ended with country s early military annexation by Hungary in the middle of March 1939. Summing up, Prague s game with a Ukrainian card did not bring Chechoslovakia permanent and fruitful results. It made worse already strained relations with Poland and -271- it also turned out to be a double-edged weapon. Used and abandoned with time Ukrai¬ nians felt disappointed. As a result of its own procrastination policy in Rus, even there it brought about a rise of reluctant feelings towards the government and with time also local irredentism. ~272~
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spellingShingle Jarnecki, Michał 1960-
Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939
Irredentismus (DE-588)4269920-4 gnd
Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd
Ukrainer (DE-588)4061497-9 gnd
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title Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939
title_auth Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939
title_exact_search Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939
title_full Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Michał Jarnecki
title_fullStr Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Michał Jarnecki
title_full_unstemmed Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Michał Jarnecki
title_short Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939
title_sort irredenta ukrainska w relacjach polsko czechoslowackich w latach 1918 1939
topic Irredentismus (DE-588)4269920-4 gnd
Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd
Ukrainer (DE-588)4061497-9 gnd
topic_facet Irredentismus
Außenpolitik
Ukrainer
Polen
Tschechoslowakei
url http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024576978&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024576978&sequence=000006&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv AT jarneckimichał irredentaukrainskawrelacjachpolskoczechosłowackichwlatach19181939