Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939
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Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Polish |
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Kalisz [u.a.]
Kaliskie Tow. Przyjaciół Nauk
2009
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245 | 1 | 0 | |a Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 |c Michał Jarnecki |
264 | 1 | |a Kalisz [u.a.] |b Kaliskie Tow. Przyjaciół Nauk |c 2009 | |
300 | |a 301 S. |b Ill., Kt. | ||
336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
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500 | |a Literaturverz. S. 255 - 268 | ||
648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1918-1939 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
_version_ | 1819582425702858752 |
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adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp
.
Rozdział
1.
Miejsce problematyki ukraińskiej w relacjach
II
Rzeczypospolitej
i międzywojennej Czechosłowacji. Kwestia irredenty
..............................................21
Rozdział
2.
Czas konfrontacji: lata
1918-1921.
Trudne narodziny państw i konfliktu
..................................................................37
Problematyka ukraińska w oczach czeskich elit politycznych
w dobie poprzedzającej „wielką wojnę i podczas jej trwania
....................................37
Początek gry ukraińską kartą. W cieniu Cieszyna
oraz wojen w Galicji i z bolszewicką Rosją
..........................................................46
„Czechosłowacka Ukraina
(?) ,
czyli przyłączenie Rusi Zakarpackiej do
ČSR
................73
Rozdział
3.
Pomiędzy konfrontacją a poprawnością w relacjach
polsko-czechosłowackich. „Usychająca przyjaźń czechosłowacko-ukraińska.
1313 1921-1931..............................................................................................89
Początek „ruskiej akcji i jej ukraiński wymiar.
ČSR
wobec ukraińskiej emigracji
..........89
W stronę względnej stabilizacji i prób porozumienia.
Przed i wokół decyzji Rady Ambasadorów
........................................................100
Meandry sprawy ukraińskiej w polityce zagranicznej Czechosłowacji
i wobec ukraińskiego wychodźstwa przed i po
Locarno
........................................116
Kłopotliwy nabytek. Problemy z Rusią Podkarpacką i na wschodniej Słowacji
............132
Rozdział
4.
W obliczu nowych wyzwań i zagrożeń: lata
1931-1938..........................155
Dylematy i rozdroża czechosłowackiej polityki zagranicznej
..................................155
Zmierzch tzw. „ruskiej akcji w świetle nowych wyzwań
i priorytetów czechosłowackiej polityki zagranicznej.
...........................................165
Partner czy rywal? Ukraińska emigracja na ścieżce emancypacji
i związane z tym kłopoty Pragi. Oko w oko z
irredenta
czyli wokół sprawy Pierackiego
......................................................................170
Irredenta ante
portas.
Polaryzacja stosunków na Rusi
i wzmożone zainteresowanie krajem przez Polskę i Węgry
.....................................183
Rozdział
5.
W dobie rozkładu Republiki i systemu wersalskiego
(1938-1939)..............199
Międzynarodowe i wewnętrzne tło agonii oraz rozkładu Pierwszej
oraz krótkotrwałej Drugiej Republiki
...............................................................199
Miejsce Rusi i problematyki oraz irredenty ukraińskiej
w procesie rozkładu Czechosłowacji. Definitywne rozejście się
dróg emigracji ukraińskiej i zastępczej ojczyzny
..................................................208
Ukraiński Piemont na Rusi (Ukrainie) Zakarpackiej w dobie autonomicznej
..............216
Zakończenie
................................................................................................241
Skróty
........................................................................................................245
Indeks osobowy
...........................................................................................247
Bibliografia
.................................................................................................255
Synopsis
....................................................................................................269
Ilustracje
....................................................................................................273
Synopsis
Ukrainian irredentism became after
1918
since birth or restitution of two Slavonic
states Czechoslovakia and Poland, one of issues empoisoning mutual relationships.
Those relationships were tensed enough already because of many other, more important
reasons. Both states were divided by a territorial dispute over
Cieszyn
Silesia and later re¬
gional rivalry over domination and relation to Russia. Ukrainian issue completed a list of
controvertial points. Polish rival Czechoslovakia quickly realized that as a result of deep
Polish-Ukrainian conflict in East
Galicia
(Easter Minor Poland) there opened a possi¬
bility to discount that fact and weaken the neighbour. Poland s reaction was then, at the
dawn of independence, supporting still a relatively weak Slovak separatism. Such activi¬
ties evoked annoyance in Prague. It is worth underlining that support of the II Republic
of Poland for ultra Slovakian nationalists
(
a group of
Jehlička
and
Unger)
never reached
the same dimension as a similar one on the Chech side for Ukrainians. Chechoslovakia
perceived pursuing Ukrainian policy as a kind of Russian policy substitute. It was Russia,
preferably white, and not independent Ukraine, which made an ideal partner in the eyes
of Prague decision makers, the so called
Hrad
group gathered around president
Masaryk
and minister of foreign affairs
Beneš.
Changing international and home realties reflected themselves on relations of Chech
authorities to the Ukrainian issue and irredentism directing its edge against Poland. That
was the reason to accept a chronological criteria. First charter presents in a shortened
way an outline of political relationships between Poland and Czechoslovakia in an inter-
war period. Charter two has been devoted to years
1918-1921.
It was the time of confron¬
tation of the two states put in conflict mainly because of
Cieszyn
issue. However, lack of
will for a compromise satisfying both sides and high emotional level resulted in spread¬
ing the conflict onto other areas of mutual relationships. To weaken the northern rival
and to secure the rear through tying down Polish potential, Chechoslovakia reached for
a Ukrainian card. To tell the truth, Prague did not go as far as to officially accept West
Ukrainian People s Republic government, but it kept close informal relationships with it.
Eugeniusz
Petruszewicz, WUPR leader, visited Prague and met with Republics leaders.
It also hosted Ukrainian military and political refugees fleeing after defeats by Poland
or fugitives from Petlura s army, who also came from East
Galicia
(mainly the so-called
Krauss brigade). It also turned a blind eye on spreading in camps, internment only by
name, propaganda aimed at II Republic. Soldiers held operational readiness, carried on
exercises, even received, not a big but still, soldier s pay. The Czechs showed a different,
far more distant relationship towards the other Poland s allied state
-
Ukrainian Peoples
Republic (UPR) from the Dnieper River area. What separated them was a relation to¬
wards Poland and Russia which, regardless whether white or red, had no intention to
come to terms with partition and separation of Ukraine. Chechoslovakian Republic it¬
self took over a small piece of a Ukrainian land in the form of Subcarpathian
Rus
where
majority of population did not have clear national orientation though. Prague rulers de¬
clared instituting autonomy in the country. Postponing fulfilment of that promise made
269-
the first governor of the province, coming from the USA G.
Żatkowycz,
give up his posi¬
tion.
Next chapter mentions
1921-1931
years. Pacification of relations in East Europe in¬
fluenced cooling down a relation of Prague towards Ukrainian military formations and
political ambitions of WUPR leaders. Because of practical reasons a Polish offer to im¬
prove relations, promoted by PR (Polish Republic) minister of foreign affairs of the time
K. Skirmunt and his trusted emissary in Prague E.
Pütz, was
also taken up. Eeven a po¬
litical treaty was signed in November
1921,
with an additional secret protocol in which
Chechoslovakia informally accepted Polish sovereignty over East
Galicia
and decided to
give up pushing anti-Polish emigrants activity. Possible help for emigration was to be
only humanitarian in character. Poles on their side obliged themselves to withhold sup¬
port for Slovakian irredentism. Unfortunately, the treaty was not ratified due to new ten¬
sions in Polish-Chechoslovakian relations resulting from a conflict over
Jaworzyna.
In
the atmosphere of emotions, previously gathered stocks of mistrust got the upper hand.
So the Chechs did not yet get rid of the Ukrainian card and tolerated hostile propaganda
of Poland and infiltration of diversionary group on borderland. Despite those new com¬
plications Polish-Czech conflict was gradually dying out and relations of both parties
kept gaining correctness. A decision of Entente Ambassadors Council of March
1923
recognizing Polish Eastern borders played a significant role in that. Pragmatic Chechs
drew practical conclusions from the situation. To tell the truth, they did not recognize
officially Polish borders themselves considering them non-permanent, but they accepted
its presence on Eastern borderland by a tacit consent including
Galicia.
The same prag¬
matism, if not calculation, did not allow to oppose the West openly. The Chech party
seriously cut down subsidies for Ukrainian interned soldiers till finally in
1924-1925
closed their camps and dismissed military formations. Prague s relations with Petrusze-
wicz s camp, who turned out to be a political bankrupt, cooled down significantly.
Gradual liquidation of Ukrainian camps did not interfere with a start of another
form of help for Ukrainian and Russian emigration, the so called
Rus
action consisting
of financing different
positivist
initiatives educational, social and charitable in character.
At first substantial, those funds had been undergoing systematic reduction since
1927.
About half of means was directed to Ukrainian circles. Prague hosts likings towards
them underwent changes too. ZURLs camp fell into disgrace the earliest, and mem¬
bers of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party ruled by M. Szapowal gained fondness. He was
a leader of the so called Ukrainian Social Committee which divided pretty big part of
means. That politician also lost trust of a government when he showed excessive inde¬
pendence and claimed emigrants rights and criticized a delay in granting the promised
autonomy of Subcarpathian
Rus.
The situation in that country was becoming aggravated
and Prague could not run a decisive policy there, shifting its liking from one national op¬
tion to the other. The place of favoured Ukrainians, mostly emigrants from
Galicia,
was
taken by spokesmen of Russian option followers. As a result of mistakes and abandon¬
ment of Chech bureaucracy, mainly due to autonomy issue, irredentism attitudes were
given rise in
Rus,
at the beginning stronger among followers of Russian orientation.
Next fourth chapter analyses years
1931-1938
from the point of view of Ukrainian
issues in relations with Poland and Chechoslovakia. The problem in the face of break-
~270~
ing
Versailles
order
and authority of League of Nations, growing importance of Germany
and at the same time a threat to Chechoslovakia from their side, in Prague policy started
playing
a mariginai
role. Since
1934
relations with Poland, already marked by distance
and mistrust, got worse again. Poland after signing a non-aggression pact with the Third
Reich felt stronger and started putting forward demands towards its neighbour to im¬
prove a situation of Polish minority in Zaolzie. Chech Republic urgently looked for new
solutions and found, however without enthusiasm, an ally in USSR
(1935),
recognizing
it earlier with partners from the Small Entente
(1934).
Close relations with the Soviets
had to bear fruit
-
practical abandoning weaker Ukrainian partners, regardless of ges¬
tures and statements of Prague bureaucracy. Declaratory Soviet federalism, closer to im¬
perialism by content, did not allow a thought about emancipation of Ukraine. The new
ally was not to be annoyed excessively.
Rus
action was gradually dying out, other institu¬
tions financed by it were disappearing, and the police followed Ukrainian activists closer
and closer, especially of a radical OUN. Prague had lesser and lesser understanding for
Ukrainian political ambitions, especially after a coup of previously tolerated national¬
ists (from OUN) on PR minister of foreign affairs B. Pieracki. The situation extorted a
few spectacular expulsions of national activists and official severance from their actions.
A situation in Subcarpathian
Rus
underwent a threatening evolution for Chech
raison
d etat. Irredentism tendencies became more distinct both in Ukrainian and Russian fol¬
lowers way. Poland and Hungary interfered in affairs of that province supporting their
camps of Russian followers. Chech and Ukrainian ways were definitely separating.
The final chapter discusses dramatic events at the turn of
1938-1939
when Checho¬
slovakia, left by West Great Powers, surrendered to Munich dictate. An issue of Ukrai¬
nian or even broader, Subcarpathian separatism played, to tell the truth, an insignificant
role in a tragedy of the Republic, however it was not that problem which additionally
weakened Prague s assets. Chechoslovakia was forced to give a strategic part of its terri¬
tory to the III Reich and also under pressure agreed to a partition of its state in a form
of granting autonomy to Slovakia and Subcarpathian
Rus.
During a short autonomous
episode of
Rus,
and after a few weeks already Subcarpathian Ukraine, a process of Re¬
public s authority destruction on that area advanced in no time. Autonomy of
Rus
and a
victory of a Ukrainian element there alarmed Poland. The government of PR was afraid
of consequences of that process for Ukrainian community in East Minor Poland. From
Warsaw point of view it was a disastrous example and pressure on Prague to restrain
ambitions of autonomists from
Wołoszyn
group, prime minister of a local government,
were obvious. Presence of fugitives from
Galicia
aroused annoyance in emerging Subcar¬
pathian establishment. Poland together with Hungary made an attempt to destabilize the
country and tear it off from weakened Chechoslovakia in order to establish a dreamed
of mutual border ( Crowbar action). As a result of the III Reich pressure those actions
were broken. In the last weeks of its existence Chechoslovakia tried to restore its domi¬
nation in Subcarpathian Ukraine by nominating general L.
Prchala
to a local govern¬
ment. That brought only partial results and a system of a specific diarchy ended with
country s early military annexation by Hungary in the middle of March
1939.
Summing up, Prague s game with a Ukrainian card did not bring Chechoslovakia
permanent and fruitful results. It made worse already strained relations with Poland and
-271-
it also turned out to be a double-edged weapon. Used and abandoned with time Ukrai¬
nians felt disappointed. As a result of its own procrastination policy in
Rus,
even there
it brought about a rise of reluctant feelings towards the government and with time also
local irredentism.
~272~
|
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Jarnecki, Michał 1960- |
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building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV039729040 |
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era_facet | Geschichte 1918-1939 |
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indexdate | 2024-12-24T02:27:36Z |
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language | Polish |
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owner_facet | DE-12 DE-M457 |
physical | 301 S. Ill., Kt. |
publishDate | 2009 |
publishDateSearch | 2009 |
publishDateSort | 2009 |
publisher | Kaliskie Tow. Przyjaciół Nauk |
record_format | marc |
spellingShingle | Jarnecki, Michał 1960- Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Irredentismus (DE-588)4269920-4 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Ukrainer (DE-588)4061497-9 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4269920-4 (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4061497-9 (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)4078435-6 |
title | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 |
title_auth | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 |
title_exact_search | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 |
title_full | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Michał Jarnecki |
title_fullStr | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Michał Jarnecki |
title_full_unstemmed | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 Michał Jarnecki |
title_short | Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918 - 1939 |
title_sort | irredenta ukrainska w relacjach polsko czechoslowackich w latach 1918 1939 |
topic | Irredentismus (DE-588)4269920-4 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Ukrainer (DE-588)4061497-9 gnd |
topic_facet | Irredentismus Außenpolitik Ukrainer Polen Tschechoslowakei |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024576978&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024576978&sequence=000006&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT jarneckimichał irredentaukrainskawrelacjachpolskoczechosłowackichwlatach19181939 |