Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967
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Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju
2010
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| Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Studije i monografije / Institut za Savremenu Istoriju
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| 100 | 1 | |a Bogetić, Dragan |e Verfasser |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 |c Dragan Bogetić ; Aleksandar Životić |
| 250 | |a 1. izd. | ||
| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju |c 2010 | |
| 300 | |a 230 S. |b Ill. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |a Biblioteka Studije i monografije / Institut za Savremenu Istoriju |v 67 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Yugoslavia and the 1967 Arab-Israeli War | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804143560992227328 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SADRŽAJ
PREDGOVOR
7
Glava I
IZVORIŠTA I GLAVNI AKTERI
BLISKOISTOČNE KRIZE
GENEZA BLISKOISTOČNOG KONFLIKTA
1945-1967 13
JUGOSLAVIJA I BLISKI ISTOK
1945-1956 34
ODNOSI JUGOSLAVIJE SA ARAPSKIM ZEMLJAMA
BLISKOG ISTOKA
1945-1956 35
Prijateljstvo Tito
-Naser i
oblikovanje nove strategije
jugoslovenske spoljne politike
37
Prvi koraci ka uspostavljanju jugoslovenske saradnje sa Sirijom
i drugim zemljama Bliskog istoka
43
ODNOSI JUGOSLAVIJE SA IZRAELOM
46
SUECKA KRIZA
1956 -
PREKRETNICA
U BLISKOISTOČNOJ POLITICI JUGOSLAVIJE
48
ESKALACIJA KRIZE NA BLISKOM I SREDNJEM ISTOKU
1958.
ANGLO-AMERIČKA INTERVENCIJA U JORDANU
I
LIBANU
58
JUGOSLOVENSKA BLISKOISTOČNA POLITIKA I TITOVE
INICIJATIVE ZA STVARANJE POKRETA NESVRSTANOSTI
Krah Naserove politike arapskog ujedinjenja i oživljavanje
egipatskog interesa za tešnju saradnju vanblokovskih država
67
Prve jugoslovensko-egipatske inicijative
za okupljanje vanblokovskih država
76
Glava
II
ŠESTODNEVNI RAT
ZAOŠTRAVANJE KRIZE
83
RAT
102
U VRTLOGU KRIZE
-
LUTANJA I NEDOUMICE
115
Glava III
MEĐUNARODNA POZICIJA JUGOSLAVIJE
I SPOLJNOPOLITIČKA ISKUŠENJA NA PUTU
RAZREŠENJA BLISKOISTOČNE KRIZE
1967
PRIBLIŽAVANJE ISTOKU
131
POKUŠAJ POSREDOVANJA
149
PREKID ODNOSA SA IZRAELOM
167
Glava
IV
JUGOSLOVENSKA POMOĆ ARAPSKIM ZEMLJAMA
EKONOMSKA I TEHNIČKA POMOĆ JUGOSLAVIJE
ARAPSKIM ZEMLJAMA
177
JUGOSLOVENSKA VOJNA POMOĆ ARAPSKIM ZEMLJAMA
190
ZAKLJUČNA RAZMATRANJA
211
REGISTAR LIČNIH IMENA
217
IZVORI I LITERATURA
221
YUGOSLAVIA AND
THE
1967
ARAB-ISRAELI WAR
Summary
2^7
BELEŠKA
О
AUTORIMA
231
Dragan
Bogetić, Aleksandar Životić
YUGOSLAVIA
AND THE
1967
ARAB-ISRAELI WAR
Summary
The fragility of Yugoslav orientation in foreign politics and the polymorphous cha¬
racter of its international positioning escalated drastically in the periods of sharp global cri¬
ses accompanied with exacerbation of violence in the regions of conflicting vital interests of
Great Powers. Troublesome and dramatic course of events on the Middle East therefore re¬
peatedly presented Yugoslavia with serious challenges. Conflict between Israel and Arab
states, which was setting the tone of regional political and social context for decades, pre¬
sents today as well the generator of absurd destruction. Such challenge is therefore suitable
litmus test for analyzing the true background of the political actions of actors in internatio¬
nal relations, regardless of the degree of their actual involvement.
During the First World War and its immediate aftermath, following the collapse of
the Ottoman Empire, the question of the Jewish state on the territory of Palestine was ope¬
ned, as well as the issue of creating a framework of statehood for Arabic tribes. This questi¬
on was put on hold in the interwar period with the establishment of the British mandate over
the disputed territory of Palestine, with the obligation to create an Arab and Israeli state in
foreseeable time, upon meeting certain conditions by the local population. After the Second
World War, British mandate was terminated, and the state of Israel was formed in
1948.
At
the same time, sets of bilateral arrangements institutionalized British political, economic and
military presence in Egypt (which enjoyed formal independence from
1922),
especially in
the zone of the Suez channel. The presence at the territory of Egypt, and the control over Su¬
ez became a top strategically priority for the waning British Empire. After the downfall of
British and French interventionist policies during the
1956
Suez crisis and their withdrawal
from the region, two superpowers found their way to the Middle East. Their rivalry, as well
as the escalation of different forms of radical pan-Arabic nationalism, feeling of insecurity
in Israel and deterioration of Israeli-Arab relations generated a permanent crisis, which thro¬
ughout the Cold War threatened to endanger not only regional stability, but also world s pe¬
ace. This was particularly the case during the Third Arab-Israeli war in June
1967.
The severity of the conflict between Israel and the Arab countries draw attention
not only of the states in region of the Middle East and of the superpowers, but also of some
nonaligned countries. Yugoslavia, as a nonaligned country with traditionally good relations
with Arab states took visible part in the events caused by the war which brought a catastrop¬
hic defeat to the armies of Arab countries. The influence of United Nations and world s
public opinion remained almost solely rhetorical. World s organization showed a number
of weaknesses in maintaining a global peace. Hasty decision of the Secretary General to
withdraw the Peace Corps from the demarcation line upon the request of Egypt speeded
up the outbreak of hostilities. Security Council was also not ahead of the situation. Israel
accepted its resolution on cessation of hostilities only after its forces reached Suez Chan¬
nel and Golan Heights. The demands for withdrawal by nonaligned countries were com¬
pletely ignored. Wartime devastation had an immediate impact on global economy. Bloc¬
king of Suez channel, major link between the Atlantic and Indian Ocean caused conside-
228_________________________________________________________________________
rable
increase of costs of maritime transportation, particularly of transfer of oil from the
Middle East to the countries of Western Europe.
During all the six decades of the conflict between Israel and Arab countries, Yugo¬
slavia led an active policy towards the Middle East, and has initiated numerous proposals for
the settlement. Following the proclamation of the state of Israel and the subsequent war with
neighboring Arab countries, Yugoslavia was among the first states to recognize the new go¬
vernment in Tel-Aviv. One of the reasons for such action was fresh memory on the suffering
of Jewish people during the Second War World, which triggered analogies to the Yugoslav
wartime experience. However, Yugoslav attempts to maintain good relations with Arab co¬
untries as well, particularly with the new regime which toppled king Farouk in
1953,
were
causing occasional revolt from both sides. Consequently, both sides demanded throat-clea¬
ring in the position of Yugoslav government, particularly regarding its attitudes towards the
settlement of the crisis in the Middle East.
Dramatic course of action following President Nasser s decision to nationalize the
Suez Channel led to the second Israel-Arab war in
1956,
forcing the Yugoslav government to
take a clear stand and to align with the Arab side, as reality left no room for neutrality. Such
turn was fitting the new overall direction in Yugoslav foreign policy, based on limiting the alig¬
nment with the West, normalizing relations with the East and opening up for cooperation with
the global South. Such international strategy remained lasting in different shapes practically until
the collapse of the Yugoslav state in the beginning of the
90s.
Yugoslavia envisaged particularly complex approach to the problem of economical
aid to the Arab countries devastated by war. On the one hand, within the limits of its own
possibilities, it strived to help by dispatching medical aid and food, or postponing the
payment of Arab debts, attempting at the same time to increase its export in those countries.
On the other hand, it strived to coordinate joint action of socialist countries directed towards
wider economical assistance to the Arab countries. However, these attempts were frustrated
by Yugoslavia s own economical difficulties. Presenting itself as a pillar of organizing the
help, Yugoslavia was raising its rating both in the socialist and nonaligned world. At the sa¬
me time, she was strengthening its position in the international relations of the Cold War pe¬
riod.
During the short
1967
war armies of Arab countries suffered heavy casualties.
Enormous equipment losses could be remedied only through purchases from the USSR, its
Eastern European allies and nonaligned countries. As a nonaligned country of traditionally
close political and military partnership with the Arab world, Yugoslavia was one of the cru¬
cial interlocutors in the process of rearmament and restructuring of their armed forces. The
Arab needs were substantial, and their payment possibilities low, so mechanisms such as
free military aid or favorable loan arrangements were employed.
Yugoslavia was one of the first countries to offer military assistance to the Arab
countries. It was immediately delivered from the Yugoslav army reserve repositories or
from the military industry facilities in accordance with the priority list charted by the
Egyptian army. Much of the offered military equipment was withdrawn from operative usa¬
ge of Yugoslav forces, and it originated from the arsenal of Soviet equipment given to
Yugoslavs immediately after the Second World War or from the Western programs of mili¬
tary aid in the 50s. During the conversations on the military assistance, the intention of Yugo¬
slav military leadership to use the situation and remain helpful, at the same time getting rid of
the obsolete military arsenal became obvious.
The most important element of the military support of the Arab countries was sel¬
ling of equipment under very favorable conditions, set in general terms during the visit of
Josip Broz Tito to Egypt in August
1967.
Yugoslav government secured a favorable loan to
__________________________________________________________________________229
Egypt for buying Yugoslav products with delayed payment through clearing arrangement.
Such loaning policy secured both export of Yugoslav products and import of the merchandi¬
se needed from Egypt. The rest of
tlie
Yugoslav loan could be spent in the third countries,
but through Yugoslav companies for foreign trade. Overall, Yugoslav assistance was on the
same level with the aid provided by the other countries of the Eastern bloc. Any further con¬
cessions in this field would go directly at the expense of Yugoslav defense capabilities.
However, Israel s war with Egypt, Syria and Jordan was a serious challenge to the
realization of core assumptions of Yugoslav policy of nonalignment. Broad support for Arab
countries could be conducted only in close cooperation with the countries of the Soviet bloc,
in order to align socialist countries with such approach in economical and political terms. In
order to help Egypt, its key partner in the nonaligned movement, Tito had to sacrifice tempora¬
rily some of the crucial facets of the Yugoslav concept of nonalignment.
The absurdity of renouncing nonalignment in order to affirm it in the long run ma¬
nifested itself through Yugoslav participation in periodical summits of the socialist countri¬
es, which brought binding decisions and was setting the general posture of the Bloc in inter¬
national relations. Aware of the incompatibility of those meetings with the proclaimed nona¬
ligned strategy of Yugoslavia, Tito avoided those meetings since the
1948
collision with
Stalin. However, in
1967
he took that risk, estimating that the destruction of Nasser s polici¬
es and his removal from power could as well be the end of the Yugoslav concept of massive
association of nonaligned countries.
Through participation in consultations of Eastern bloc countries in Moscow, Buda¬
pest, Warsaw and Belgrade, Yugoslavia had success in motivating socialist countries, and
USSR in particular to show dynamic political, economical and military support to Egypt,
Jordan and Syria. Although socialist countries were anyhow inclined to help endangered
Arab countries, this readiness was curbed through the offensive statements of Arab leaders
at the expense of Soviet passivity during the war and lack of prepare to directly intervene
and enforce Israel s retreat from occupied territories. Due to Tito s skilful brokering betwe¬
en Arabs and Soviets, mutual animosities were brushed aside in favor of mutually beneficial
partnership.
One of the consequences of the
1967
war was realization of Soviet long-lasting
dream of obtaining military bases in the Mediterranean, formally regulated through a treaty
of naval assistance with Egypt, which gave Soviet fleet the right to use Egyptian harbors for
five years. It is difficult to say did Yugoslavia profit or lose from such arrangement. Recon¬
ciling Nasser with Brezhnev, Tito was forced to frequently listen to complaints of the former
that Israel would never dare attacking Egypt if she was a member of the Warsaw pact.
Egyptian leader was openly questioning the entire purpose of nonaligned policies. Cata¬
strophic defeat of the Arab countries that opted for nonalignment undermined the Yugoslav
initiative for institutionalization of the nonaligned movement. The period of „crisis of conti¬
nuity of the nonalignment occurred, marked with the serious stagnation in cooperation of
nonaligned countries and the diminished intensity of their joint activities in United Nations.
Guided with the intent to help its key allies among nonaligned countries, Yugosla¬
via seriously endangered its previously balanced policy toward the superpowers. Collabora¬
tion with Soviet Union was closer than any time since
1948,
followed with severing the rela¬
tions with the Unites States. The consequence of such policies was felt as early as
1968,
af¬
ter the intervention of the five Warsaw bloc countries in Czechoslovakia. The explanations
from Kremlin that this action is both legitimate and in the spirit of international socialism
was understood in Belgrade as an open threat to the current Yugoslav regime, even as anno¬
uncement of a similar action against Tito and his associates.
230 ________________________________________________________.__________
Panic among Yugoslav Communists was increased after the meager reaction of the
West in the Czechoslovak crisis, which amounted to the indirect acknowledgement that US¬
SR is allowed to set relations within the bloc as it pleases. As during this period Yugoslavia
was treated both by East and West as a sort of a „grey zone , whose actual allegiance remai¬
ned a mystery, Tito s fear that the Czechoslovak recipe could be implemented in his own re¬
alm seems justifiable. Therefore, in this period decisive corrections of foreign policy appea¬
red, based on the strictly balanced relation towards the blocs in the Middle Eastern, as well
as in other questions. By the end of the
60s,
Yugoslav wanderings in international relations
came to an end, and the expressions of Yugoslav nonalignment got firmly fixed.
.
At the same time, Arab countries were desperately seeking to consolidate their po¬
sitioning in foreign policy. After the defeat in war with Israel, they were closely bound to
the USSR, seeing no other way to counter their enemy. Direct or indirect support towards
the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, with countries like Egypt and Algeria even
openly critical towards Tito for his negative attitude towards this move, was revealing the
depth of Soviet influence in the Middle East and in Africa, as well as the change in the glo¬
bal balance of power. However, during the following period, Soviets imposed important li¬
mitations regarding the Arab plans to militarily force Israel s retreat from the occupied terri¬
tories. Moscow officials were stubbornly refusing Nasser s offer to conclude a Contract on
friendship and cooperation, fearing that the Arabs might draw them in war with Israel and
the USA. In such context, Nasser s death opened up the way for a major turn in Egypt s po¬
licy. His successor, Anwar el Sadat, proved to be both highly cooperative with the United
States but also more militarily talented, He lead Egypt to the first victory over Israel in
1973,
followed with the separate peace agreement. However, instead of bringing peace to
the Middle East, this agreement furthered the divisions within the Arab world. Egypt s move
was perceived as an act of national betrayal, causing the isolation of this state and its exclu¬
sion from the Arab League. One of the tragic indicators of the level of animosities within the
Arab world in the field of searching acceptable premises for the joint international strategy
to solve the Middle Eastern crisis was by all means the assassination of Sadat, committed by
Egyptian soldiers during the military parade in Cairo, organized exactly in order to celebrate
the eighth anniversary of the victory over Israel.
|
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| author | Bogetić, Dragan Životić, Aleksandar 1981- |
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| geographic | Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Jugoslawien |
| id | DE-604.BV036861250 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:49:37Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788674031414 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020777004 |
| oclc_num | 706056636 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 230 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Biblioteka Studije i monografije / Institut za Savremenu Istoriju |
| spelling | Bogetić, Dragan Verfasser aut Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 Dragan Bogetić ; Aleksandar Životić 1. izd. Beograd Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju 2010 230 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Studije i monografije / Institut za Savremenu Istoriju 67 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Yugoslavia and the 1967 Arab-Israeli War Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf Sechstagekrieg (DE-588)4180597-5 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Sechstagekrieg (DE-588)4180597-5 s DE-604 Životić, Aleksandar 1981- Verfasser (DE-588)104399615X aut Institut za Savremenu Istoriju Biblioteka Studije i monografije 67 (DE-604)BV022785730 67 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020777004&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Bogetić, Dragan Životić, Aleksandar 1981- Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Sechstagekrieg (DE-588)4180597-5 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4180597-5 (DE-588)4028966-7 |
| title | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 |
| title_auth | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 |
| title_exact_search | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 |
| title_full | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 Dragan Bogetić ; Aleksandar Životić |
| title_fullStr | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 Dragan Bogetić ; Aleksandar Životić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 Dragan Bogetić ; Aleksandar Životić |
| title_short | Jugoslavija i arapsko-izraelski rat 1967 |
| title_sort | jugoslavija i arapsko izraelski rat 1967 |
| topic | Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Sechstagekrieg (DE-588)4180597-5 gnd |
| topic_facet | Außenpolitik Sechstagekrieg Jugoslawien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020777004&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV022785730 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT bogeticdragan jugoslavijaiarapskoizraelskirat1967 AT zivoticaleksandar jugoslavijaiarapskoizraelskirat1967 |