Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu

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1. Verfasser: Brdar, Milan 1952- (VerfasserIn)
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Veröffentlicht: Novi Sad Stylos 2007
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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text САДРЖАЈ ПРЕДГОВОР ..........................................................................13 Глава прва РАСПАД СОЦИЈАЛИЗМА И ПЕРСПЕКТИВА ПРИВАТИЗАЦИИ: КОБ РАНОГ СОВЈЕТСКОГ ИСКУСТВА 1918-1929.........................................................23 Глава друга ХУМАНИТАРНА ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЈА И ТЕЗА О (ДЕНАЦИФИКАЦИИ KAO ФУНКЦИОНАЛНИ СИМУЛАКРУМ .................................59 „Срби као мултн-функционапан симбол: логика интернатионализацнје унутрашњег сукооа ......................................................................................60 Стратегија анализе .................................................................66 Резіїме анализе: основнії учинци .........................................75 „Нацификација као планско морално преоптерећнвање................................................................... 80 Посета „Милосрдног Анђела : оправдање.......................... 86 Закључак: све што je потребно je морални имиџ .........................................................................92 Глава трећа ГЛОБАЛИЗАЦША И ДЕСУВЕРЕНИЗАЦИЈА: ПРОБЛЕМ РЕГИОНАЛИЗАЦИЈЕ СРБИЈЕ У АКТУЕЛНОМ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧКОМ КОНТЕКСТУ ..........95 Виртуелни исход основног процеса глобашгације .........................................................................96 Несклад нзмеђу глобалног и локалног ................................97 У прнлог националне државе ...............................................99 Двовалентност суверенитета: застаревање иобнављање .........................................................................103 Реалшација људских права .................................................104 Круњење суверенитета: постепено и гренутно ...........................................................................106 Парадокс суверенитета........................................................ 109 Глобалшација н регионалшацпја као два вида рефеудапизације ...................................................116 Србија у сендвичу између демократшације и феудализацнје ...................................................................117 Регионализација као „решење апорпја „демократске власти ..........................................................118 Закључак ...............................................................................130 Глава четврта ПЕРСПЕКТИВЕ ИНСТИТУЦИОНАЛНИХ РЕФОРМИ У СРБИЈИ ПОСЛЕ 5. ОКТОБРА 2000................................................................137 Ексгошкација проблема .......................................................137 Симболички капитал, логика власти и Михелсово правило ..........................................................140 „Светле перспективе у удобности конформизма ........................................................................145 Демократија као симулација ................................................148 Мека диктатура без пролетариата .....................................151 Закључак: још једна „неерећа идеала ...............................157 Глава пета У ОДБРАНУ НАЦИОНАЛИЗМА ......................................161 Нова нетрпељивост ..............................................................161 Претпоставке анализе ..........................................................164 Одбрана национализма као феномена ...............................167 Одбрана национализма као става .......................................171 Чему апологија .....................................................................175 Национализам као стратсгија опстанка .............................174 Ыеуроза идентитета .............................................................182 Полптичка комплементарное! π политичка култура: од „камене секире до интелигентног чипа ........................................................184 Глава шеста ТЕХНОЛОГИЈА OriCKllAPCKF, ДЕМОКРАТИЈН .................................................................. 18і) Демократі íja на вересију ..................................................... 18і Проблем: дивља власт или револуција као ћор(сок)ак...................................................................... 191 Дијалектика програмског дуализма ...................................192 Основне компоненте политичке технологије ...........................................................................195 Структурнії разлозм симулације и контроле............................................................................ 197 Закључак ...............................................................................199 Глава седма ПАД СРПСКЕ ТРОЈЕ ..........................................................203 Континуитет кроз дисконтинуитет ....................................203 Преко ДОС -a до хаоса......................................................... 204 Зашто се све то догађа - баш нама? ...................................211 Киклоп у Тројанском коњу .................................................212 Закључак ...............................................................................214 Глава осма ОСНОВНЕ СТРАТЕГШЕ ТРАНЗИЦШЕ И ЊИХОВА ЛОГИКА: АКТЕРИ, АЛТЕРНАТИВЕ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЕ................................. 217 Услови могућности расправе ..............................................218 Ограничене алтернативе .....................................................223 Актери и модели.................................................................. 226 Пљачка као пут избављења .................................................229 Перспективе .........................................................................234 Епилог ...................................................................................238 Глава девета V1NDICAE CONTRA TYRANNOS: ОДБРАНА ДРЖАВЕ KAO МЕДИЈУМА ДРУШТВЕНЕ ИНТЕГРАЦИИ ...................................................................243 Последња варијанта антидржавне митологије ............................................................................244 Разлозн одбране државе ......................................................245 Место државе у опозитивном дискурсу Просветптељства................................................................. 248 Модерна мнсао и механизација феномена ..............................................................................253 Држава као негативан принцип образованна прогресивно!· ІЮЛИШЧКОГ дискурса ...................................254 Модерни проблем синтезе: питање парадигме интеграције ........................................................260 Антидржавне утопије ......................■....................................263 Кчаснчна либерална утопија ..............................................264 Маркс истгічка ymomija .......................................................265 Од супротности до саг.часности .......................................266 Институционални склоп државе: проблем принципа интеграције.......................................... 267 Три типа политике: проблем субјекта интеграције........................................................................... 271 Постсоцијалистичко стање ....................................................273 Основнії хендикеп транзиционих друштава ...............................................................................275 Закључак ...............................................................................282 Глава десета ДИНАМИКА РЕФОРМСКО-ДЕМОКРАТСКИХ КАПАЦИТЕТА У СТРУКТУРНИМ ПРОМЕНАМА СУБЈЕКТА ТРАНЗИЦИЈЕ .................................................285 Проблемски комплекс: шта je преостало за објашњење .......................................................................286 Врете капитала, њихови односи и формула делатног потенцијала: основне тече ...................................288 Структурна ситуација транзиционих друштава и њихов делатно-реформски потенцијал ............................................................................296 Динамика вредносних и мотивационих комплекса .............................................................................303 Маказе капитала и њихова прекомпозиција...................... 307 Реакције и последице ..........................................................313 Преоријентација транзиције као неочекнвани melting pot............................................................................. 315 Реалност и машта .................................................................318 Допринос страног чиниоца .................................................323 Глава једанаеста СРБИЈА KAO AEMOlHJKPATCKA СТРАДИЈА ...........................................................................329 Што живот даје то и убија ..................................................330 Синдром Пенелопе ..............................................................333 Зид илушја ...........................................................................334 Епилог: Кућа без цвећа и Алеја без великана .........................................................................337 ДОДАТАК: Од мита до истине I ............................................................343 Од мита до истине 2: Chain of Fools................................... 345 ABSTRACTS ........................................................................351 Disintegration of Socialism and Prospects of Privatisation: a Paradigm of Soviet Early Experience 1918-1929............................................................351 Humanitarian Intervention and the ........................................352 (Denazification Thesis as a Functional ................................352 Simulacrum ............................................................................352 Globalization and Sovereignty Decline: Regionalization Problem in Serbia Within The Actual Geopolitical Context ...........................................352 Prospects of Institutional Reform in Serbia After The October 5,2000......................................353 In Defense Of Nationalism .....................................................354 Technology of Hollow Democracy ........................................355 The Fall of Serbian Troy .......................................................356 Main Tranzition Strategies and Its Logic: Actors. Alternatives and Prospects ........................................357 Vindicae Contra Tyrannos: Apologia of State as a Medium of Social Integration ............................358 Reform-Democratic Capacity Dinamics During the Structural Changes in Tranzition s Subjects .................................................................................359 БИБЛИОГРАФИЈА .............................................................361 ИДЕКС ПОЈМОВА И ИМЕНА........................................... 373 БИОГРАФИЈА АУТОРА .....................................................377 ABSTRACTS сил. DISINTEGRATION OF SOCIALISM AND PROSPECTS OF PRIVATISATION: A PARADIGM OF SOVIET EARLY EXPERIENCE 1918-1929 In this article author is about to summarize the soviet expe¬ rience of privatization during the period of NEP (New Economic Policy) 1921-1929. In the first part, the main ideological dilem¬ mas of Lenin s descendants are provided reiterating the main quarrels between the party and left opposition. On the ground of given review author elucides a reconstruction of structure as the framework within which all the political quarrels in the twenties took place. The given structure is rendered as a paradigm for sub¬ sequent cases of socialism, including Yugoslavia within the pe¬ riod 1965-1975, Case of Yugoslavia in the seventeenties is sus¬ tained as in a sense a copy and reiteration of soviet original of the twenties. In the completion of the article, the author concludes on the actuality of given paradigm nowadays (1989-1994) concern¬ ing the postsocialist social transformation and economic problem of privatization. Prospects of that transformations are summa¬ rized within the depicted structure by marking the huge changes as a hallmark of postsocialism. Key words: revolution, socialism, capitalism, privatisation, opposition, NEP. [Published in Перспектив прштппгм- ιμι /e, Боіоллб Шијаковић (ирир.). Универ¬ ситетска ријсч. Никшић. 1995. стр. 215-23.il -351 - Ch.2. HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION AND THE (DENAZIFICATION THESIS AS A FUNCTIONAL SIMULACRUM In this article author intends to deal with a problem given in the title, in three steps. First he will reconstruct the discursive genesis of the image Serbs ~ Nazis, as way of internationalizing existing internal conflicts and paving the way for moral justifi¬ cation of military intervention. Second, after a review of the functions of the terminological identification with the „Nazi , author elaborates two moral positions, depending of the way of readiness lo intervene in the name of morality. In its third part the analysis amounts to conclusion that moral justification una¬ voidably provides a moral image required for political gains, and promotion of amoral interests. All this is demonstrated on the example of Serbs and NATO assault on Yugoslavia. Key words: moral, justification, humanitarian intervention, Serbs, nazism, Mercifulì Angel, NATO, aggression. [Published as ..Humanitarian Intervention and the (Denazification Thesis as a Functional Simulacrum . Lessons of Kosovo: llw Dangers of Humanitarian Intervention. Aleksandar Jakie (ed.), Broadview ľress. Toronto. 2003, pp. 153-171] Ch. 3. GLOBALIZATION AND SOVEREIGNTY DECLINE: REGIONALIZATION PROBLEM IN SERBIA WITHIN THE ACTUAL GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT In the article author is about to maintain that discusion on regionalization asks for contextualisation within the currents of actual geopolitics, on the one hand, and wider process of globa¬ lisation and unification, on the other. In keeping with this. author in the first part deals with globalizing integrative pro¬ cessess with special attention payed to the problem of nation- state survival. Point of analysis is given in the ambivalence of the very concept becomes outdated on the local -352- level, but by the same token it is fully afmned on the global level. On the global level we are encountered with revival of the classical concept of sovereignty. Problem of regionalization, in the second part of the article, is reconsidered as a phenomenon that is taking place between those two currents. Author maintains two related the¬ ses. First, designs of the regionalization are less dependent of the authority of given state because they fall under the jurisdi¬ ction of global superpower and becames dependant of its geo- strategic planes and political demands. Second, main reasons for Democratic Opposition of Serbia to work in favour of re- gionnnalization as a synonim for democracy is in lack of solid democratic reform and need to entranch itself in the precompo- sed structure of social and economic power. In this context one could foresake that we in Serbia are confronted with bright prospects of democracy at the cost of the ,hollowing out1 of the state as main garant of it. Key words: sovereignty, human rights, regionalization, state, globalization, Serbia, DOS. [Published in Социолошки преглео, vol. 36 (2002). no. 1-2. стр. 57-80.] Ch.4. PROSPECTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN SERBIA AFTER THE OCTOBER 5,2000 The aim of the paper is to explore some of the main reasons for the slow pace of legal and political institutional reform in Serbia and Yugoslavia following the change of political regime on October 5, 2000. The analysis is carried out in two ways. First, an analysis of the institutional structure of the new political system is undertaken. Second, an investigation of the semiotic/narrative or discursive constructions offered formally or informally by the new government is conducted. One result of the analysis is a demonstration that the new system is pro¬ foundly structurally analogous to the prior communist regime. The execution of the original promises of reform is fettered by the extra-institutional position DOS occupies as the key agent of all political and economic changes. Hence, the prospects for reforms are grim. This is further argued through the semiotic analysis (semantics, syntax and pragmatics) of the DOS dis¬ course and its constant deployment of words such as „demo- - 353 cracy , „freedom , and „reform with messianic political zeal. The article concludes that in order for any serious reform to take place the process of institutionnalizing political power must be completed first. However, this is unlikely to happen for it would require a self-elimination of DOS as the supreme ruler operating over and above the parliament. Key words: Democratic Opposition of Serbia, reform, revo¬ lution, democracy, institutions, liberalism. [Published in (Reikonslmkcija insiiliicija. Godimi dana tranzicije u Srbiji. V. Cvetkovič (prir.). Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd, 2002. str. 165-178.1 Ch.5. IN DEFENSE OF NATIONALISM A defense of nationalism as a phenomenon is based on a truth that what is in question is a prominent historical and political occurrence present throughout Europe s history during the last two centuries. Yet, the stance toward nationalism in much of European thought underrates it as if a „passing , and pathological episode. Thus, nationalism belongs to the front echelons of phenomena that uncover the arrogance of modern (political) reason. We can find the grounds for the initial defense of nation- nalism in the established historico-political fact that it exists as a phenomenon. In this way we already have the structural and negative argument in its favor: The structural argument- because of the insufficiencies contained in the other two ideologies (Marxism and liberalism); The negative argument - because this structural justification does not lead to nationalism as a positive attitude, b.ut rather to the rational attitude of compensation given these ideological insufficiencies (of the competitors). Conceived in this way nationalism obtains the status of a viable mechanism only due to the inadequacies found in libe¬ ralism and socialism. In this case nationalism as an attitude does not depend on the relation with respect to a nation, but it follows from a desire to pursue rational (and successful) po¬ litics. That is, structurally viewed, it impossible for a state that engages in rational and responsible politics to fail to be at some level a national state. For the same reason, similar arguments can be offered in defense of the liberal, or social-democratic attitude. •354- Next two arguments will draw on the notion of human liberty and the related concepts of rights and duties, respect¬ ively. These arguments are presented here in terms of two basic relations: toward oneself and toward the Other. In the dimension of the relation toward oneself, nationalism is an inevitable component of self-definition, collective, and individual identity. No person can be reduced to it. but a sense of belonging to one s nation is cherished. In this respect having a nationality is a certain (strong) sentiment. The second dimension of determination can be found in the relation toward the Other. Even if I were to deny the fact of my nationality and declare myself „the citizen of the world (ubi patria Ibi hene), this cannot preclude the Other from ascribing some national identity to me. From this perspective national determination isn t a sentiment but a fact« that amounts to obligation for me to respect by others to the extent that 1 am ready to respect others. [Combinatoli of two articles .,Одбрана национализма . Prizma (May, 2002). pp. 32-31). and ..Toleration and Nationalism , in Filozofski godišnjak. Institut za filozofiju filozofskog fakulteta. Beograd. 2002, pp. 194-205] Ch.6. TECHNOLOGY OF HOLLOW DEMOCRACY Democratic image of DOS is maintained on three ways: 1 ) Due to primacy of discourse above reality. Therefore discoursive favoured division of political actors, on democratic and antidemocratic works a priory in division of real people. 2) Democratic charecter od DOS rule is legitimized through continual narratív on support of „international community . 3) Special way to support democratic image is in systematic narrative on DOS as a opposite pol to the Miloshevich regime. Tale here says that old regime was so horrible, that it is not possible that new is not democratic one. On the ground of these three ways democracy is played as marketing hallmark needed for legitimation of the new regime. Mark „democratic- could cover wide range of de facto unde¬ mocratic actions, primarilly due to initial symbolic capital of DOS coallition, and well organized media support. [Published inPrtmci (June. 2003). pp. 11-17] ChJ. THE FALL OF SERBIAN TROY Unpredicted process after DOS established itself on the rule, in previous articles were explained by phenomenon of continuity through discontinuity. Justification of this thesis is aforded: 1 ) because od identity between the status of DOS Presid¬ ency and communist Politbiro - and that was main obstacle to institutional reforms; 2) because of identical manner of giving the primacy to the individuals instead of institutions - it was additional reason for tiny reforms and at the same time consolation for the public („yes, we don t have institutions, but we have good people everywhere ); and 3) because identical political technology (ch. 6) with sup¬ port of inteletuals and academics. This we called as a tactics of Troyan Horse. After two years, simbolic capital of DOS (ch 4) is vested, technology of regime (ch. 6) rich its full transparency, dema¬ gogy founded in Michels rule (reffering on common· good in every case) reach ite peak beyond any taste. It is natural there¬ fore to ask what were real goals of this politics? It sems that among realized goals are these that were not wanted by any¬ body. These are: succesfull destruction of economy, destruction of agriculture, drestruction of the Military, destricton of the Police, desorganisation of education system, parody of parlia¬ mentarism, and last but not least, destruction of national dignity and identity. In spite of all that, democratic regime is in keeping with international community, and from EU and USA every day it gains support for „struggle agains old regime and progress toward European integrations . It seems that Serbian govern¬ ment could act unbounded by any laws, as long as it works according advices from its western allies even if it goes against the will of own people in the country. Democracy is not pro¬ cedure based on respect of people s will, but it is a reward for obedience to western geopolitics on the Balkans. Therefore, contemporary Serbia looks like fallen and robbed Troy. [Published in Prizma (November. 2003). pp. 16-22] -356- Сћ-б. MAIN TRANZITION STRATEGIES AND ÍTS LOGIC: ACTORS, ALTERNATIVES AND PROSPECTS In the article author deals with ideological background of two transition strategies under the influence of three grand ideologies: liberalism, conservativism, marxism. Two prevail¬ ing strategies of shock therapy and gradualism are revisaged with reference to the geopolitical context shaped after the fall of communism and vividly marked with conflict of liberalism and conservativism during the last 15 years in East Europe. Neoliberal strategy of shock therapy provides renewal of the conditions that this very strategy tries to avoid, namely con¬ dition of rise of socialism and conservativism. On the other hand, occurances in East Europe in the same period, marked with failures in efforts to establish free market, privatization and free flow of capital in economy, are unfolding in well known logic of confrontation of grand ideologies. In other words, after the fall of Berlin wall we could notice the rise of liberalism on the global scene akin to the form known from XIXі and beginning of XX1 1 Century. Ex socialist countries under the preasure of IMF and World Bank policies are dis¬ posed to the reiteration of neoliberal experiment that with its economic, political and social effects paves the way to the rene¬ wal of left and right ideologies. Author maintains that enduring of ideological conflicts presents great obstacle to the rational politics. In adition to that, authors in the social sciences, due to their sharp divisions allong ideological lines, mostly failed in its historical opportunity to analyze and predict events. They were mostly pleading for democracy, regardless of concrete po¬ litical and economic confditions, and were neglecting the carre for institution building. But due to the lack in proper institutio¬ nal frame transition amounts to one misfortune more in socie¬ ties already ruined with outcomes of socialiszn. Without institu¬ tional background free market amounts to the black market, privatization turn into great robery as a form of primary acumu- lation of capital, and instead of capital we see readiness of po¬ litical elites to sold out the countries and their resources, inclu¬ ding leading the people into voluntary serfdoom toward the West. -357- Key words: tranzition, neoliberalism, shock therapy, gra¬ dualism, liberalism, conservativism, marxism, liberty, robery, lawlessness, serfdoom. [Published in Социолошки преглед. vol. 38 (2004). no. 3. стр. 445-462.] Ch. 9. VINDICAE CONTRA TYRANNOS: APOLOGIA OF STATE AS A MEDIUM OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION In this article author intends to give apology of state vis a vis modern political theory and academics in humanities for their permenent criticism of such a important institution. In the first part of article is given reconstruction of origins of negative attitude toward state in liberalism, marxism and conservativism, with final outcome in recent stories on globalization with silly prediction on wanishing the nation state. In the second part author maintains that state is unaviodable medium of modem social synthesis and deals with problem, how is possible to design rational plan of social synthesis, due to onesidenness of modern ideologies. Principles necessary to perform this task are divided among ideologies (freedom - liberalism, equality - marxism, community - conservativism) and due to this histo¬ rical fact we have warfare among them instead of complemen¬ tarity. That amounts to conclusion that we ought to get rid of devotion to one ideology, in favour of reform of our way of thinking, at the first place. First step asks to abandon the nega¬ tive attitude toward the state and respect to it as a bearer of „common good needed to people to make their lives better, in keeping with Aristotle s statement. Key words: state, tyranny, freedom, liberty, people, intell¬ ectuals, power, reform, transition, neoliberalism, marxism, con¬ servativism. [Published in M. TripkoviO (prir.), Multikulturna Vojvodina u evropskim integracijama, Filozofski lakultel. Novi Sad. 2000. str. 51-80] -358- Ch. 10. REFORM-DEMOCRATIC CAPACITY DINAMICS DURING THE STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN TRANZITION S SUBJECTS The topic of the article is a problem of real and potential bearers or subjects of transition and their respective reform capacities. The analysis is based on the experience of transition in Serbia in the period of „democratic changes 2000-2006. The problem is set up with a demarcation between the main transitive social groups, that are seen as a source of the future ruling elite members. A reform capacity of each group is scru¬ tinized on the scale of its possession of three kinds of capital: economic, symbolic and social. The main dynamic process, which was designed for analy¬ tical purposes, concerns the mutual influences, alliances and divisions among these groups. These result in huge changes in the structure that is composed by the various amounts of the three kinds of capital. These amounts are changing during that very process and due to these changes, along side with the change of the group s identity, the rise or fall of its reform capacity occurs. The prediction of this capacity is founded in the thesis that maximal reform capacity asks for optimal equi¬ librium between all three kinds of capital: social, economic and symbolic. A factor, which is constant throughout this dynamics and which could be introduced as a fourth kind of capital, is political capital, and it makes the axis of the whole analysis. This capital (political power) is the instrument for obtaining at last some of the remaining three kinds of capital. Results of this analysis are very helpful in an explanation of the unexpected outcomes of the transition, of the diminishing pace of the very process, of frequent criminal affairs, and of the fall of citizens confidence in the reform capacities of „demo¬ cratic forces , or in an explanation of the return of defeated powers as a rule in the second or the third wave of democratic elections. The author believes that results and the explanation that have been given are valuable not only in the case of Serbia, but in the case of many others transitional countries (Russia, Ukraine, The Balkans countries, etc.) - 359 - Key words: reforms, social capital, symbolic capital, social capital, political power, tykoons, nomenklatura, intellectuals, Serbia, democracy, state, rule of Law, criminal, institutions. [Published in Социолошки преглео. vol. 40 (2006), no. 2, стр. 137-164] Ch.ll. SERBIA AS A CASE OF DEMOCRACY Topic of the chapter are confrontations that got on intensity after passing away of Slobodan Milosevic, between so called „democratic bloc and antiEropean political forces. Realm of struggle is mainly on the level of mythology. There one could find positive and negative myths as main political instruments. On one side are positiv myth on Zoran Djindjic and negative Myth on Slobodan Milosevic. Both are nuorished in tradition of titoism inherited from the epoche of socialism. Argument of the chapter goes: that „democratic forces are in need for positive myth for the sake of continual fight Miloshevich in narrative about real event of 5th October. Whole occurance shows the symptoms of neocommiinism in propaganda with function to deepen polarisation in Serbia and to endanger democracy and to replace it with demofnjcracy, or dance of demons of the past in the form of civil war. Author concludes that Serbia is not in need for new mythologies, but for sober reason in politics and for facing the serious contemporary problems. Key words: Serbia, democratic changes, Slobodan Milosevic, Zoran Djindjic, mythology, [Unpublished article] -360-
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geographic Serbia Politics and government 1992-2006
Serbia Politics and government 2006-
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spellingShingle Brdar, Milan 1952-
Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu
Politik
Post-communism Serbia
Sozioökonomischer Wandel (DE-588)4318539-3 gnd
Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd
Gesellschaftsordnung (DE-588)4020645-2 gnd
Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd
subject_GND (DE-588)4318539-3
(DE-588)4060633-8
(DE-588)4020645-2
(DE-588)4117663-7
(DE-588)4054598-2
title Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu
title_auth Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu
title_exact_search Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu
title_full Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu Milan Brdar
title_fullStr Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu Milan Brdar
title_full_unstemmed Srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu Milan Brdar
title_short Srpska tranziciona ilijada
title_sort srpska tranziciona ilijada aporije demokratskog preobrazaja srbije u geopolitickom kontekstu
title_sub aporije demokratskog preobražaja Srbije u geopolitičkom kontekstu
topic Politik
Post-communism Serbia
Sozioökonomischer Wandel (DE-588)4318539-3 gnd
Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd
Gesellschaftsordnung (DE-588)4020645-2 gnd
Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd
topic_facet Politik
Post-communism Serbia
Sozioökonomischer Wandel
Systemtransformation
Gesellschaftsordnung
Wirtschaftssystem
Serbia Politics and government 1992-2006
Serbia Politics and government 2006-
Serbien
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