Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC)
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Cluj-Napoca
Argonaut
2006
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| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis
4 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Nomazi ai stepelor |b sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) |c Vitalie Bârcă |
| 246 | 1 | 1 | |a Nomads of steppes |
| 264 | 1 | |a Cluj-Napoca |b Argonaut |c 2006 | |
| 300 | |a 392 S. |b zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |a Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis |v 4 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 200 v. Chr. -1 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Sarmaten |0 (DE-588)4105355-2 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Geschichte 200 v. Chr. -1 |A z |
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| 830 | 0 | |a Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis |v 4 |w (DE-604)BV022658201 |9 4 | |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015864116&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804136838458245120 |
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| adam_txt |
CUPMNS
CUVÂNT ÎNAINTE
.9
I.
INTRODUCERE
.11
1.
1.
Scopul lucrării
.
И
I.
2.
Izvoare
.12
I.
3.
Delimitarea geografică a zonei
.12
I.
4.
Limitele cronologice
.12
I.
5.
Aspecte referitoare la metodă şi unele precizări de ordin tehnic
.13
II.
CÂTEVA CONSIDERAŢII ÎN LEGĂTURĂ CU ISTORIOGRAFIA. PROBLEMEI PRIVIND
SARMATII
TIMPURII DIN NORDUL MĂRII NEGRE
.17
III. OBSERVAŢII ASUPRA CRONOLOGIEI ŞI PERIODIZĂRII CULTURII SARMATICE
.27
IV.
MORMINTE. RITUL ŞI RITUALURI FUNERARE
.31
IV.
1.
Amplasarea şi dispunerea mormintelor
.31
IV.
2.
Tipurile de morminte
.32
IV.
3.
Amenajarea mormintelor
.37
IV.
4.
Orientarea şi poziţia defuncţilor
.38
IV.
5.
Elemente ale ritualului funerar
.40
IV.
6.
Ofrande animale
.41
IV.
7.
Mobilierul funerar: componenţa şi poziţia în morminte
.43
V.
CÂTEVA OBSERVAŢII CU PRIVIRE LA TEZAURE ŞI DEPOZITE
.47
VI.
CULTURA MATERIALĂ
.51
VI.
1.
VASE CERAMICE
.51
VI.
1.1.
Vase sarmatice modelate cu mâna
.52
VI.
1.1.1.
Vase pentru prepararea şi păstrarea hranei
.52
VI.
L
1.2.
Vase pentru păstrarea, turnarea şi consumarea lichidelor
.54
VI.
L L
3.
Vase utilizate ritual
.57
VI.
1.2.
Vase ceramice de import modelate cu mâna şi la roată
.60
VI.
1.2.1.
Vase pentru prepararea şi păstrarea hranei
.60
VI.
L
2.2.
Vase pentru consumarea hranei
.60
VI.
L
2.3.
Vase pentru păstrarea şi turnarea lichidelor
.61
VI.
L
2.4.
Vase pentru băut
.63
VI.
L
2.4.
L
Kantiani
.63
VI.
1.2.4.2.
Bohm
.64
VI.
L
2.4.3.
Cupe
.64
VI.
L
2.5.
Recipiente
pentru păstrarea unguentelor şi parfumurilor
.64
VI.
1.3.
Câteva consideraţii privind vasele ceramice din complexele sarmatice timpurii din
regiunea de la vest de Don
.66
VI.
2.
OBIECTE DE UZ CASNIC ŞI GOSPODĂRESC
.67
VI.
2.1.
Fusaiole
.67
VI.
2.2.
Cute
.67
VI.
2.3.
Străpungători
.68
VI.
2.4.
Cuţite
.68
VI.
2.5.
Opaiţe
.69
VI.
3.
OBIECTE DE PODOABĂ ŞI VESTIMENTAŢIE
.70
VI.
3.1.
Brăţări
.70
VI.
3.2.
Cercei
.71
VI.
3.3.
Inele
.73
VI.
3.4.
Verigi
.74
VI.
3.5.
Catarame
.76
VI.
3.6.
Pandantive
.77
VI.
3. 7.
Ąplici
.78
VI.
3.8.
Medalioane
.78
VI.
3. 9. Maigele .78
VI.
3.10.
Fibule
.81
VI.
3.
IL
Câteva consideraţii privind evoluţia pieselor de podoabă şi vestimentaţie
.89
VI.
4.
OGLINZI
.90
VI.
4.1.
Câteva consideraţii privind oglinzile din mediul
sarmatie
timpuriu din spaţiul dintre Don
şi Nistru
.97
VI.
5.
VASE DIN METAL
.99
VI.
5.
L
Vase de argint
.99
VI.
5.2.
Vase de bronz
.102
VI.
5.2.1.
Cazane
.102
VI.
5.2.2.
Situk
.103
VI.
6.
ARMAMENTUL
.106
VI.
6.
L
Armamentul ofensiv
.106
VI.
6.
L
1.
Spade şi pumnale
.106
VI.
6.
L
2.
Lănci
.117
VI.
6.1.3.
Arcul
.120
VI.
6.
L
4.
Vârfuri de săgeţi şi tolbe
.122
VI.
6.2.
Armamentul defensiv şi echipamentul militar
.128
VI.
6. 2.
L
Coifuri
.129
VI.
6.2.2.
Scuturi
.133
VI.
6.2.3.
Armuri
.135
VI.
7.
PIESE DE HARNAŞAMENT
.137
VI.
7.1.
Zăbale
.137
VI.
7.2.Psalii
.139
VI.
7.3.
Falere
.141
VI.
7.4.
Aplici frontale
.146
VI.
7.5.
Aplici
.148
VI.
7.6.
Câteva consideraţii privind piesele de hamaşament
.149
VII. CÂTEVA OBSERVAŢII CU PRIVIRE LA SITUAŢIA
DIN REGIUNEA NORD-PONTICA ÎN SECOLUL III A.
CHR. .151
VIII. ISTORIA SARMAŢILOR TIMPURII DIN NORDUL MARII NEGRE
.161
ГХ.
CONSIDERAŢII FINALE
.181
X.
REPERTORIUL DESCOPERIRILOR
.191
ABSTRACT
.227
ABREVIERI BIBLIOGRAFICE
.251
BIBLIOGRAFIE
.253
ANEXE
.281
ILUSTRAŢIE
.285
6
CONTENTS
FOREWORD
.9
I. INTRODUCTION
.11
1.
1.
The aim of work
.11
I.
2.
Sources
.12
1.
3.
The geographical frame of the study
.12
I.
4.
Chronological limits
.12
I.
5.
Methodology and technical aspects
.13
II. REMARKS ON THE HISTORIGRAPHY REGARDING THE EARLY SARMATIANS FROM
THE NORTH OF THE BLACK SEA
.17
III. OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE CHRONOLOGY
OF SARMATIAN CULTURE
.27
IV. GRAVES. FUNERARY RHYTE AND RITUALS
.31
IV.
1.
The location and display of graves
.31
IV.
2.
Types of graves
.32
IV.
3.
The fitting out of graves
.37
IV.
4.
The orientation and the position of bodies
.38
IV.
5.
Elements of the funerary ritual
.40
IV.
6.
Animal offerings
.41
IV.
7.
Funeral inventory: its composition and position within the graves
.43
V. REMARKS ON HOARDS AND DEPOSITS
.47
VI. THE MATERIAL
.51
VI.
1.
POTTERY
.51
VI.
1.1.
Sarmatian hand-made pottery
.52
VI.
1.1.1.
Vessels for cooking and storing the food
.52
VI.
L L
2.
Vessels for holding, pouring and consuming of liquids
.54
VI.
L
Ł
3.
Vessels for ritual purposes
.57
VI.
1.2.
Import pottery hand
-
and wheel-made
.60
VI.
1.2.1.
Storing and cooking vessels
.60
VI.
L
2.2.
Vessels for eating
.60
VI.
L
2.3.
Vessels for storing and pouring liquids
.61
VI.
12.4.
Vessels for drinking
.63
VI.
L
2.4.
L
Kantbarm
.63
VI.
1.2.4.2.
Bowls
.64
VI.
L
2.4.3.
Cups
.64
VI.
1.2.5.
Containers for ointments and perfumes
.64
VI.
1.3.
Remarks on pottery from early Sarmatian complexes in the area westward
of the River Don
.66
VI.
2.
DOMESTIC TOOLS
.67
VI.
2.1.
Loom weights
.67
VI.
2.2.
Cockles
.67
VI.
2.3.
Piercing tools
.68
VI.
2.4.
Knifes
.68
VI.
2.5.
Lamps
.69
VI.
3.
JEWELRY AND ADORNMENTS OBJECTS
.70
VI.
3.1.
Bracelets
.70
VI.
3.2.
Earrings
.71
VI.
3.3.
Rings
.73
VI.
3.4.
links
.74
VI.
3.5.
Buckles
.76
VI.
3.6.
Pendants
.77
VI.
3. 7.
Appliqués
.78
VI.
3. 8.
MedaUions
.78
VI.3.
9.
Beads
.78
VI.
3.10.
Brooches
.81
VI.
3.
IL
Remarks on
lhe
development of jewelry and adornments objects
.89
VI.
4.
MIRRORS
.90
VI.
4.
L
Remarks on the mirrors found in the early Sarmatian environment from the area
between the Don and
Nester
rivers
.97
VI.
5.
METAL VESSELS
.99
VI.
5.
L
Silver vessels
.99
VI.
5.2.
Bronze vessels
.102
VI.
5.2.
L
Boilers
.102
VI.
5.2.2.
Situlae
.103
VI.
6.
WEAPONRY
.106
VI.
6.
L
Charge weaponry
.106
VI.
6.
L L
Swords
.106
VI.
6.
L
2.
Spears
.117
VI.
6.
L
3.
Bows
.120
VI.
6.
L
4.
Arrowheads and quivers
.122
VI.
6.2.
Defensive weaponry and equipment
.128
VI.
6.2.
L
Helmets
.129
VI.
6.2.2.
Shields
.133
VI.
6.2.3.
Armors
.135
VI.
7.
HARNESS PIECES
.137
VI.
7.
L
Bits
.137
VI.
7.2.
Hackamores
.139
VI.
7.3.
Phalerae
.141
VI.
7.4.
Frontal
appliqués
.146
VI.
7.5.
Appliqués.
148
VI.
7.6.
Remarks on the harness pieces
.149
VII.
OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE NORTH-PONTIC HISTORY
IN THE
З*»
С. ВС
.151
Vin.
THE HISTORY OF THE EARLY SARMATIANS IN NORTH OF THE BLACK SEA
.161
EX. CONCLUSIONS
.181
X. THE REPERTORY OF DISCOVERIES
.191
ABSTRACT
.227
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS
.251
BIBLIOGRAPHY
.253
ANNEXES
.281
PLATES
.285
8
NOMADS OF STEPPES. THE EARLY SARMATIANS
IN THE NORTH-PONTIC REGION
(2^-1*0.
ВС)
ABSTRACT
I. INTRODUCTION
For almost six centuries the Sarmatian nomad tribes constituted
Ље
main ethnical and political power in the
steppes and forest steppes within the area west of Don, significantly contributing in the historical
development of the territories they occupied. The Sarmatians participated in the political events unfold during
the 2nd century
ВС
and the 4th century AD and became the most remarkable enemy of both the Roman
Empire and the Greek cities in the north and northwest of the Black Sea.
1.
1.
The paper aim
Based upon the records of early Sarmatian discoveries (graves, hoards, deposits) the paper essentially
intends to investigate the dwelling evolution along two centuries, in the area between the Don and Dniester
rivers, corresponding to early Sarmatian culture. We also tried to critically approach both various standpoints
existent within the specialty literature as well as diverse aspects related to the early Sarmatian culture. Secondly,
we wished to formulate a typological and chronological analysis of the archaeological material and to pinpoint
main elements of the chronological determination (well dated artifacts). Last but not least, we proposed to
elaborate a complex analysis of literary and archaeological sources and to use concluding results within the
ethical and political processes reconstruction.
I.
2.
Sources
The basic sources utilized when elaborating the present paper were of archaeological, literary and
epigraphtcal nature. When analysing the early Satmatian culture in (he north ponthic area west of Don we
took into consideration, yet not exhaustively,
56
graves,
12
isolated discoveries,
5
hoards and
2
deposits which
date, except for the
Uškalka
grave, within the boundaries of the
2ій1
-
1st centuries
ВС.
I.
3.
Geographical limits
Geographically, the investigated territory comprises the steppes and the forest steppes between the
Don and Dniester rivers that are mainly part of the present territory of Ukraine. The area, which represents
the northern sector of the circumscribing
ponťhic
region, is known in the specialty literature as the north of
the Black Sea.
I.
4.
Chronological limits
Chronological landmarks for delimiting the investigated period are sufficiently obvious upon
archaeological realities, completed by literary and epigraphical sources. Thus, the early Sarmatian culture in the
north of the Black Sea begins in the 2nd century
ВС
and stops by the end of the 1st century
ВС.
I.
5.
Aspects regarding the method and a few technical specifications
The discourse is based on recording, as well as possible, the discoveries in the area proposed for
investigation. Discoveries from
Kut, Gruševka,
Verhnjaja Maevka etc., were not included in the discoveries
list although a few specialists consider them to be of Sarmatian character, yet we believed differently. On the
other hand, the repertory comprises a series of discoveries (hoards, deposits, isolated discoveries) that the
majority of specialists do not attribute to the Sarmatians, but, which, as further discussed, are of Sarmatian
origin. In other words, we tried to draw a repertory to include all discoveries (graves, hoards, isolated
discoveries) that belong to the early Sarmatians with certainty. All problems generated when studying the early
Sarmatians from the region between the Don and Dniester rivers were treated in separate chapters.
П.
REMARKS ON THE HISTORIOGRAPHY REGARDING EARLY SARMATIANS IN
THE NORTH OF THE BLACK SEA
As early as the
18*,
V.
N.
Tatiscev and later on
N.
M. Karamzin wrote about the real occurrence of the
destruction of Scythia by the Sarmatians. P. I.
Šafárik
sustained both the Sarmatian early and gradual penetration
to the west and the fact that during the 3rf century
ВС
the Sarmatians conquered the territories occupied by the
Royal Scythians.
227
Ι. Ε.
Zabelin considered that
Diodorus
Siculus did not account about
lhe
destruction of Scythia, but
rather about a new population entering the steppes south of Russia.
F. Braun
specified that certain data regarding the presence of the Sarmatians west of Don existed only for the
2nd century
ЂС,
and V. A. Gorodcov believed that during the 2nd century
ВС
the Sarmatians occupied Scythia and
reached Danube at the boundary between the 1st
ВС
and the 1st AD centuries.
E. Minns favoured the Sarmatian gradual penetration to the -west of the Don river beginning with the 2nd
half of the
4*
century
ВС. Не
opinionated that the long lasting fights between the Sarmatians and the Scythians
led to the establishment of the Sarmatian domination during the 2nd century
ВС.
M.
Gruševskij
also supported the Sarmatian gradual penetration to the west He assumed mat Protogenes
decree mentioned also Sarmatian populations and considered that they inhabited a large area to the Lower
Danube at the boundary between the 1st
ВС
and the 1st AD centuries, based on Strabo's accounts.
A new phase in the research of the Sarmatian vestiges practically began with M. I. RostovceVs studies. M.
I. Rostovcev maintained
tìie
Sarmatian penetration in the territories the Scythians inhabited by the end of the
4Љ
century
ВС,
while during the 2nd century
ВС
tihe
Sarmatian tribes constituted the sole political and military power
in the territory between Dnieper and Don.
Ja
V.
Gote,
and
S.
A. Žebelev
similarly sustained the Sarmatians
emergence in the north of the Black Sea beginning with the 2nd century
ВС.
M.
P. Abramova valued for the first time research results on Sarmatian monuments in the north of the
Black Sea and reached the conclusion that a massive penetration took place by the end of the 2nd century
ВС.
The
specialist stated that the Sarmatians reached Dnieper during the 2nd century
ВС,
but crossed onto its right shore
oily during the 1st century AD.
M
I. Vjaz'mitina fundamentally contributed to the research of the Sarmatian vestiges in the north of the
Black Sea and believed that the first Sarmatian penetration in the area west of Don took place during the
4Љ
and
3d centuries
ВС.
Based on ancient sources,
D. A. Mačinskij
tried to demonstrate the Sarmatian occupation of the region
between Dnieper and Don rivers by the end of the 4th century
ВС.
The researcher opinionated that a Sarmatian
kingdom existed in the area between Dnieper and Don, during the 3d and 2nd centuries
ВС.
P.
O. Karyškovskij
considered that the occupation in the north of the Black Sea including the area up to
the Danube mouths must be dated from early the 1st half of the 3rd century
ВС.
ВС
F.
Smimov
gave a special attention to the Sarmatians expansion and conquest issue in the north of
the Black Sea. The specialist understood that during the 3rd century
ВС
the Sarmatians organised the first great
expansion in Scythia and that during this period they were located around Olbia. The specialist gradually
accepted V. E. Maximenko's conclusions regarding the Sarmatian massive crossing to the west of Don in the 2nd
century
ВС,
but did not exclude that early vestiges could have surfaced. The researcher admitted, otherwise, that
written sources attesting with certainty the Sarmatian presence in the north of the Black Sea, dated no earlier
than the 2nd century
ВС.
J.
Harmatta
pleaded for a later date of the occupation of Scythia sustaining that me Sarmatians penetrated
by the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st century
ВС.
S.
V.
Polin,
on the other hand, reached the
conclusion that the effective occupation of the territories north of the Black Sea took place by the end of the 2nd
century and the 1st century
ВС.
The same specialist assumed that the few earlier Sarmatian monuments from the
3d century
ВС
represented only the occasional penetration of Sarmatians groups.
A V. Simonenko expressed a similar opinion and considered that the founding of the European Sarmatia
took place in a few phases and signified no other activity, but rather a prolonged process. The specialist also
concluded that there are no graves that could be dated with precision earlier than the 2nd century
ВС
and that the
north ponthic area could not have been occupied before the 2nd century
ВС.
Recently, S. V.
Polin
and A. V. Simonenko concluded mat the beginnings of the Sarmatian dwelling in the
north ponthic steppes must be placed no earlier than the mid 2nd century
ВС,
and mat between the end of Scythia and
the Sarmatians' settlement in the north of the Black Sea there is a hiatus of one hundred years, which would allow the
establishment of a relation between the two events.
Ju. A. Vmoradov,
K. K. Marčenko
and E.
Ja.
Rogov presumed mat Scythia was firstly given a decisive
setback sometime at the boundary between the 4th and the 3d centuries
ВС
or at the beginning of the 3ri century
ВС,
whilst the second took place in the 2nd third of the 3d century
ВС.
The researchers also believed that tfie latter
setbacks were stronger, but not the last rrom the flashing Sarmatian attacks that transformed the regions norm of
the Black Sea in conflict areas, of plunder and permanent military clashes. Nonetheless, the mentioned specialists
considered based on archaeological sources, that the factual Sarmatian occupation and establishment to the west
of Don and the entire north ponthic region became effective sometime at mid 2nd century
ВС.
Other studies analysed, beside the long debated issues already mentioned, certain aspects of the
newcomers' relations with other populations. Thus, Sarmatian discoveries in Mid Dnieper area and their relation
228
with
lhe
beaœrs
of the Zarubineck culture and the late Scythians were dedicated several studies,
lbe
opinions
spectre regarding such relations is quite large, oscillating between hostile, friendly or cohabitation relations.
III. OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE SARMATIAN CULTURE CHRONOLOGY
Concerning the Sarmatian civilisation, a few chronological frames were established for the development of the
Sarmatian culture. In compliance with the chronology proposed by B.
N.
Grakov there can be dissociated the
following: the Sauromatian culture or bljumenfel'dsk (the
бљ
-
4й
centuries BQ, Sauromatian- Sarmatian or
prohorovka culture (the
4* -
2»d centuries BQ, Sarmatian or suslovsk culture (the
1«
century
ВС
and the
1"
century AD) and Alans or
šipovsk
culture (the
'M
-
the 4th centuries AD).
Recurring
incoordinations
observed between archaeological data and information in literary sources,
forced researchers to review the Sarmatian culture chronology bases. Thus, S. V.
Polin
and
A. S. Skapkin^
concluded by the end of the 80's in the 20th century that the superior chronological limit of early Sarmatian
culture must be extended to the end of the 1st century
ВС.
Consequently, in compliance with the Sarmatian culture chronological specifications, it could be
established that the early Sarmatian period, whose inferior limits are still imprecise, endured until the end of
the 1st century
ВС.
The middle Sarmatian culture is chronologically delimited between the 1st century
ВС
and
the 1st half of the 2nd century
ВС
and the late between the 2nd half of the 2nd century and the
4Љ
century AD.
A. V. Simonenko presented a most recent chronology of the Sarmatian culture in the area between
the Don and Pruth. As such, the early Sarmatian culture dated during the 2nd and the 1st centuries
ВС,
the
middle during the 1st century the mid 2nd centuries AD, and the late in the 2nd half of the 2nd century and the
4th century AD.
IV. BURIALS. FUNERARY RITES AND RITUALS
IV.
1.
Burial location and disposition
The
analysed
graves spread on a territory comprised, especially, between Don and Dnieper. The
burials from Burgunka
(Г
1
M
1)
and LVovo
(Г1М1
and
T
б
M
1)
are an exception and are located on the
right shore of Dnieper (Fig.
78).
Fifty one
(91%),
of the
56
graves are burials in earlier tumuli (Fig.
79).
Usually, the tumuli belong to the Bronze Age, yet there are cases when they fit in the Copper Age
(Novolugansk
T
1
M
1)
or Scythian periods (Balki
T
26
M
1;
Boľšaja
Belozerka
TIMI;
Boľšaja Belozerka
(Віігпесу
group),
T
1
M
3).
Three graves are flat
(Babino
M
4;
Novye
Sanžary, Uškalka),
with, one representing
a principal Sarmatian burial within a Sarmatian tumulus (LVovo
T
6
M
1).
The discovery from Smoljaninovo
can be added, yet we do not know whether it was a flat tomb or a previous period tumulus.
IV.
2.
Burial types
Several burial types can be established based on the pit shape:
1.
Oval (Fig.
72/4); 2.
Rectangular;
3.
Rectangular with lateral steps (Fig.
72/2-3); 4.
Rectangular with niches;
5.
Trapezoidal (Fig.
72/1); 6.
Catacomb (Fig.
72/5).
Most numerous are graves with a rectangularly shaped funerary pit
(13 (52%)),
followed by oval
(4 (7%)),
rectangular with lateral steps
(4 (7%)),
trapezoidal
(3 (5%)),
rectangular with niches
(2 (4%))
and catacomb
(1 (2%)).
For
29 (23%)
burials, the pit delimitations could not be established (Fig.
80).
We believe that the majority had a rectangularly shaped pit based on the overall circumstances.
IV.
3.
Burials arrangement
The Sarmatians used for burial arrangements the wood, especially for the tombs covering, niches or
catacomb entrances closing, the pit bottom layering, the niches or catacomb tombs entrance arrangement, as well as
the niches arrangement Coffins, chest coffins or sarcophagi were made of wood while the pit walls of certain
tombs were planked with wood. Tree bark, reed, sedge or other vegetal materials were severally used. The pit
bottom was often covered with grass, reed, bark or brushwood. The brushwood, grass and stones were used also
for the grave covering. Same materials, to which stone plinths add, were used for closing the catacomb or niches
entrance as well. Occasionally, in certain Sarmatian tombs, underneath the skull, traces of vegetal pillows were
identified.
Elements of interior arrangement were identified in
11
instances within the analysed burials (Table
1).
It is very likely that wood coverings could not be identified because the majority of Sarmatian graves
subject of the present discussion, were located very close to the surface of the tumuli
mantie.
Further more, great
part of the burials was arranged on the inside with various vegetal materials as in certain graves rot wood and traces
of vegetal decay were identified. It is certain that the burial arrangement
луаѕ
made in most cases with the material at
disposal within the area.
229
IV.
4.
The orientation and the position of the bodies
From
56
analysed tombs in
28
instances the bodies were oriented with the head to the north,
northwest and northeast
(50%), 10
to south, southwest and southeast
(18%), 3
towards east
(5%)
and one to
the west
(2%),
whfle in
14
cases the orientation is uncertain
(25%)
(Fig.
81).
It can be observed that the
orientation to
tìie
north predominates, which is a characteristic of the early Sarmatian graves in the area.
The east or west head orientation is not a characteristic for both the analysed Sarmatian environment,
as well as for the region east of Don during the 3rd and 1st centuries
ВС.
On the other hand, the east
orientation and especially the west orientation are customary for the Siracian Sarmatians burials from the
Kuban region. As such, the east oriented burial from
Kairy
(Г
2
M
24)
is representative and its inventory
comprises a cup typical for the Kuban region (Fig.
19/3,52/2).
Concerning the bodies' position within the graves, it must be noticed that the disposition on the back
with hands and feet straight is predominant. Nevertheless, there are instances when the skeletons had various
positions of the hands and feet (Table
2).
IV.
5.
Funerary ritual elements
White mineral materials (chalk, white clay, white sand, plaster stone, shells), red in various nuances
(ochie, realgar) and rarely yellow minerals (sulpha) occupied an important place within the Sarmatian funerary
ritual. Often identified is the custom of strewing the pit bottom or the coffin with powder chalk. Chalk in
small pieces and its substitutes
-
white clay, plaster, shells, red coloured minerals (ochre, realgar), as well as
yellow minerals could be found. In certain Sarmatian graves small piles of wood charcoal and ashes surfaced.
Occasionally, the pit padding contains wood charcoal and burnt earth.
Elements of the funerary ritual, as the above described, were preserved only in two of the
56
analysed
graves. Thus in
Τ
2
M
1
from Novobarannikovka red paint (realgar) was found onto the chest of the dead,
and in
Τ
4
M
17
from Sergeevka chalk was scattered onto the pit bottom.
IV.
6.
Animal offerings
Within the analysed graves the animal offerings are present in
16
instances in a total
56
graves (Fig.
82).
Within burials of the researched area, mostly sheep and ram bones represent remains of animal offerings,
a characteristic for all burials in the Sarmatian world. Thus, from
16
burials with animal offerings, in
12
instances sheep and ram bones were identified, in two horse bones, in one case bones coming from a large
homed animal and in one swine bones
(?).
IV.
7.
The funerary inventory: composition and position within burials
The funerary inventory includes the ensemble of goods deposited within the funerary arrangement:
body inventory, weaponry, jewellery and garment pieces, which are customary for Sarmatian graves to a great
extent.
The handmade pottery was identified in
27
of
39
graves that had within their components pottery,
while wheelmade pottery in only
15
instances. In
23
cases, the handmade pottery is of Sarmatian manufacture,
and in
4
are imports. In only
2
of the
39
cases handmade pottery was identified beside wheelmade pottery.
Amongst wheelmade pottery, all imported, most distinguishable were the cups, found in
10
from
15
graves
with wheelmade pottery inventory.
Household (loom weights, whetstones and piercing objects) appear in a few burials inventory.
Jewellery and garment pieces are better represented. Typologically, they are less illustrated and certain
pieces were not even generally spread within the early Sarmatian world. A large part was imported from
neighbouring cultural areas. Brooches and beads stand out, followed by pendants, earrings and other
categories found in one or two burials.
The mirror is a peculiarity in women graves, found in
15
burials. Harness pieces (bridles, hackamores,
phalera,
appliqués), as
well as weaponry (blades, arrow and spear heads) were discovered in several burials.
V. REMARKS ON HOARDS AND DEPOSITS
Amongst studied Sarmatian vestiges count also two deposits (Novovasil'evka, Snigkevka) and five hoards
(Jančokrak,
Klimenkovka,
Starobeľsk,
Taganrog, Velikoploskoe (Fig.
78)).
Beside the Velikoploskoe hoard with
pieces entirely deposited inside a bronze cauldron, the pieces from the rest of the hoards were directly deposited
on the earth. Deposits consist of bronze and iron pieces while hoards, significantly, consist of silver and bronze
pieces. Some hoards contain iron pieces too.
230
The discoveries comprise harness pieces (bridles, phalera, hackamores, frontal
appliqués, appliqués),
while the Snigirevka deposit and the Velikoploskoe hoard inventories comprised even weaponry (arrow and
spear heads). Two of the hoards contain also jewellery and garment pieces, in two were discovered two bronze
vessels, and in one burial silver vessels (cup). In two instances (Snigirevka, Velikoploskoe), chain fragments
made of bronze links were identified. The ritual is known only for the Meotians and die Sarmatians in the
north of Caucasus environment.
Typologically, for the period and area analysed, the pieces illustrated in the deposits and hoards
inventories do not vary much. Nonetheless, it can be observed that certain categories of pieces are not
numerous even in the rest of the area inhabited by Sarmatians during the
'M
and the 1st centuries
ВС.
Further
more, likewise outside the researched area, part of such pieces comes however from hoards and deposits.
These hoards and deposits composed of harness pieces, some of a great value (phalera), as well as the
weaponry, jewellery and garment pieces, bronze and silver vessels association within the inventory allow us
conclude they belonged to Sarmatian knights, which most probably (at least the hoards), represent the
Sarmatian aristocracy.
Such hoards and deposits are discovered in the entire area comprised between Pruth and the
Caucasus
pre
mountain region. Further more, similar pieces to hoards and deposits components, were found
in graves or isolated discoveries of sure Sarmatian origin located outside the area between Don and Dniester.
Finally, certain categories of pieces are characteristic for the entire group of discoveries in the area between
the Pruth and the Caucasus
pre
mountain region: phalera, bridles, hackamores, frontal
appliqués,
helmets,
certain categories of bronze or silver vessels,
appliqués etc.
Nevertheless, not all complexes contain such
categories of pieces associated.
Each category's dating corroborated with the expansion of certain import pieces within the Sarmatian
environment and the information from ancient sources, let us assume they belonged mostly to Sarmatian
mercenaries in the army of Mithridates VI Eupator, who were located for a while during the 1st century
ВС
in
the north of the Black Sea.
VI. THE MATERIAL
VI.
1.
POTTERY
Pottery was divided into two groups upon the manufacturing point of view:
1.
handmade pottery;
2.
whellmade pottery.
Because their nomad life, the Sarmatians could hardly have had a highly developed craft in pottery
manufacturing. Most probably, the Sarmatians produced only handmade pottery. Wheelmade pottery is in
majority imported from various developed craft centres (the Meotian settlements from the Kuban area,
Regnum Bospori, the Greek centres).
The functional criterion was used when analysing the two pottery groups. Within each functional
category, the vessels were divided upon shapes and within the shapes category into types and variants.
The vessels were divided in several categories from the functional and shape points of view:
1.
Cooking and food storage ware;
2.
Eating ware;
3.
Holding, pouring and consuming liquids ware;
4.
Drinking
ware;
5.
Containers for perfumes and ointments;
6.
Perfuming smokers.
VT.
1.1.
SARMATIAN HANDMADE POTTERY
VI.
1.1.1.
Cooking and food storage ware
They are represented by four types. Type I is represented bya vessel coming from
Τ
2
M
2
at
Gramovka (Fig.
16/2, 51/1)
and one which is a variant from
Τ
2
M
18
at
Sevčenko
(Fig. 36/3,51/5).
Type
Π
is
illustrated by the vessel from
Τ
2
M
1
at Novobarannikovka (Fig.
24/8,51/3)
and one variant coming from TIM
5
at
Ćemomorskoe
(Fig.
13/3,51/4),
type
Ш
by the vessel from
Τ
б
M
1
at LVovo (Fig.
23/6,51/6),
and type
Г7
by the vessel from Pokrovskoe (Fig.
27/4,51/10).
VI.
L L
2.
Holding,
pouring and consuming liquids ware
A. Vessels with narrow mouth
Vessels of this category are represented by eight types. Type I is illustrated by a single exemplar
coming from
T
2
M
18
at
Sevčenko
(Fig. 36/1,51/9),
type
Π
by me vessel from the Horol grave (Fig.
17/4,
51/8),
lype
Ш
by the exemplar in
Τ
6
M
1
from L'vovo (Fig.
23/7, 51/7),
and type IV by
tìie
recipient in
Τ
16
M
1
from Brilovka (Fig.
10/4,51/11).
Type V is represented by vessel in
M
4
from
Babino
(Fig.
4/3,51/13),
type VI
by the exemplar in
Τ
4
M
2
from
Voľno-Ulanovka
(Fig. 42/4, 51/12),
type
VII
by the vessel in
T
26
M
1
231
from
Dneprostroj
(Fig. 12/1, 51/14)
and lbe
one from
Kljusovka
(Fig. 17/5, 51/15),
and type
VIII
by the
exemplai
in the tomb
Éram Uškalka
(Fig. 38/3,51/16).
Б.
Cups
Handmade cups are represented by five types. Type I is illustrated by die cup in
T
1
M
1
from L'vovo
(Fig.
23/5,52/1),
lype
Π
by the exemplar in
Τ
1
M
24
from
Kairy
(Fig. 19/3,52/2),
type
Ш
by the cup
b T
1
M
1
from
Privoľnoe
(Fig. 29/5,52/3),
type TV by the
cup
in
T
2
M
1
from Sadovo (Fig.
30/6,53/1),
and type V by
the exemplar in
T
13
M
1
from
Zamožnoe
(Fig. 43/2,52/4).
VI.
L L
3.
Vessels for ritual
puiposes
For the graves
vinder
study such category of vessels is represented by smokers, only.
The smokers are cult vessels that constitute a special group amongst the pottery used by the
Sarmatians along the time. Usually, they are of small dimensions and various shapes, which in certain cases
have perforated walls,
bi
the majority of cases, wood charcoal could be found inside, while the vessel wall
displayed strong bum marks. There are cases when the interior walls and rarely the exterior exhibit dark
coloured fat stains, or when small fragments of solid substances or the ashes of various herbs were preserved
inside. It was concluded, based upon discoveries, that such vessels were also used for burning perfumed herbs,
solid substances or aromatic ointments. Occasionally, the smokers were used for ritual purposes. In this sense
are eloquent the cases when they were filled with white clay, or when the interior presented white chalk or red
paint.
Smokers of six types were identified within early Sarmatian graves from the north-ponthic region. The
smoker in the grave from
Uškalka
(Fig.
38/4,55/1)
belongs to type I, the exemplar from the destroyed grave at
Mihajlovka (Fig.
14/5, 55/2)
to type
Π
and a smoker representing a variant of this type in
Τ
3
M
4
from
Razdoľskoe
і
Novoselki. Type
ΠΙ
is illustrated by the smoker in
Τ
1
M
1
from
Sokolovo
(Fig. 32/8, 55/6),
and
type 3V by a smoker in the same grave (Fig.
32/5, 55/4).
Type V is represented by the exemplar in
T
2
M
1
from Novobarannikovka (Fig.
24/7, 55/3),
and type VI by the piece in
T
2
M
3
from
Žemčužnoe
(Fig. 44/2,
55/5).
VI.
1.2. IMPORT
HANDMADE AND WHEELMADE POOTERY
VI.
1.2.1.
Cooking and food storage ware
This category is represented by three vessels. Two are handmade and come from
T
2
at Frunze (Fig.
14/1)
and
T
4
M
17
at Sergeevka (Fig.
31/5, 51/2),
while me third is wheelmade and comes from
T
1
M
1
at
Novolugansk (Fig.
25/5).
The Novolugansk vessel is handmade and belongs to type I, an import from the Scythian
environment. The handmade vessel in
T
2
from Frunze (type
ГЈ)
is of import Scythian type. The vessel in
T
4
M
17
from Sergeevka (type
ИЗ)
is similar to certain shapes of the 1st century
ВС
in me Zarubineck culture necropolis
at
Pirogom
It is an import from the Zarubineck culture as indicated by the vessel shape and manufacturing
technique.
VI.
L
2.2.
Eating ware
The recipients of mis category are represented by three tureens. Type I is illustrated by the wheelmade
exemplar in
T
2
M
5
from Akkermen I (Fig.
1/2,54/1),
type
Π
by the handmade tureen in
Τ
1
M
1
from L'vovo
(Fig.
23/4, 54/2),
otherwise a typical product of the Zarubineck culture, and the one belonging to type
ΙΠ
is the
exemplar in
Τ
9
M
2
from
Kairy
(Fig. 13/2, 54/3),
which is similar to recipients of the late Scythian environment
where most analogies could be found.
VI.
L
2.3.
Storing and pouring liquids ware
They are all wheelmade of semi fine and fine fabric and are imports. The exemplars discovered come
from
T
2
M
5
at
Preobraženka
(type
1)
(Fig.
28/6,53/2),
T
31
M
1
at Yinogradnoe (type
Ц)
(Fig.
41/6,53/3),
T
1
M
3
at
Boľšaja
Belozerka (type
Ш)
(Fig.
6/2,53/4),
T
1
M
1
at
Sokolovo
(lype IV) (Fig.
32/7,53/5),
T
1
M
19
at
Gromovka (type V) (Fig.
15/6),
T
1
M
3
at
Vasiľevka
(type VI) (Fig.
39/11, 53/6),
T
10
at
Kalančak
(type
Щ
(Fig.
11/6, 53/7),
T
26
M
1
at
Balkt
(type
VID)
(Fig. 6/5, 53/8),
T
3
M
8
at
Podgprodnœ (type
Щ
(Fig. 26/2,
53/9)
and T
1
M
1
at Burgunka (type X) (Fig.
11/3,53/10).
VI.
Ł
2.4.
Drinking ware
VI.
12.4.
L
KanAarot
The sole exemplar was discovered in
T
3
M
8
at Akkermen I (Fig.
1/6, 54/5).
Such
kantòam date
from
the late Hellenistic period, and analogies were identified at Olbia.
232
VI.
1. 2. 4. 2.
Bowls
This vessel type is represented by the exemplar in
Τ
3
M
8
at Podgorodnoe (Fig.
26/5, 54/4).
It is a
Hellenistic product and could be dated based on a mirror with round and flat disc (type
Ш)
in the grave inventory
during the 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС.
Cups are represented by die fragmentary exemplar in
Τ
2
M
18
fiam
Ševčenko
(Fig. 36/4).
The discussed
cup is made of red fabric and has the surface covered -with a brown
-
reddish slip layer. It is similar in shape and
manufacturing technique with the Megarian cups of the 2nd the 1st centuries
ВС
VI. L
2.5.
Containers for ointments and perfumes
The recipients of
lhe
type come from
T
1
M
1
at
Sokolovo
(Fig. 32/2-3, 54/6-7)
and
T
1
M
3
at
Vasiľevka
(Fig. 39/1, 54/8). Such
recipients are largely spread in
Ље
north and northeast of the Black Sea
beginning with the 2nd half of the
3rd
century
ВС,
yet are most frequently found in the 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС
in Regnum Bospori, Neapolis (Crimea), Tanais, Olbia, the late Scythian environment and the Sarmatian
environment from east of Don or the Kuban region.
VI.
1.3.
Remarks on pottery from early Sarmatian complexes in the north-ponthic region west
of Don
Pottery represents a consistent part of the discoveries in Sarmatian burials because of their utility
character. Although Sarmatians were nomads, household and domestic needs imposed
lhe
acquisition or
manufacturing of a more or less various pottery range. This situation is also characteristic to the studied
Sarmatian environment where pottery was discovered in
39
of
75
discoveries. Most numerous are handmade
vessels found in
27
of
39
discoveries. In
23
cases handmade pottery are Sarmattan products, and four are
imports. In only two of
39
cases, both handmade and wheelmade pottery were identified. (Table
6)
From the overall wheelmade pottery, most numerous are cups (found in
10
of
15
graves with
wheelamade pottery). Only one exemplar or two illustrate other categories.
Preliminary observations allow us state
#
certainly that handmade pottery predominates
(64%),
with a poor repertory of rudimentary shapes. The situation is due to the fact that the Sarmatians are a nomad
people with a low level of pottery craft development and they were not familiar with the potter's wheel. The
fact is confirmed by four instances
(10%)
where handmade pottery is imported from the Scythian and
Zarubineck environments, while the wheelmade pottery
(36%)
is entirely imported from the Hellenistic wodd.
Another undedining observation is that within the analysed Sarmatian discoveries there is a series of
handmade pottery (cups) (Fig.
52/3-4, 53/1)
imitating similar wheelmade vessels. Finally, it can also be
noticed that the wheelmade pottery from the early Sarmatian burials in the north of the Black Sea represent a
larger percentage than in the area east of Don.
VI.
2.
HOUSEHOLD OBJECTS
VI.
2.1.
Loom weights
Loom weights represent a category of ceramic pieces that served speed spindle revolutions. Such
pieces from the norm- ponthic Sarmatian environment come from
T
10
M
2
at Alexandrovsk (Fig.
2/7),
M
4
from
Babino
(Fig.
4/6)
and
T
1
M
1
from
Sokolovo
(Fig. 32/6).
VI.
2. 2.
Cockles
Within several Sarmatian male graves were identified cockles used for sharpening iron tools, knives
and weapons. In the analysed Sarmatian environment such pieces were found in the
Jančokrak
hoard,
T
10
from
Kalančak
and
T
1
M
1
from
Privoľnoe
(Fig. 29/2).
VI.
2.3.
Piercing objects
They are represented by the two exemplars from
T
12
M
3
at Alexandrovsk (Fig.
3/2)
and
T
31
M
1
at Vinogradnoe (Fig.
41/2).
They were used in household activities to cut wooden objects, leather or other
materials.
VI.
2. 4.
Knives
Knives are frequently found on the entire territory inhabited by the Sarmatians. In most cases, they
were identified within graves beside animal bones, sometimes near the waist and shoulder of the dead, and in
other instances near or inside table ware beside animal bones. Within the analysed Sarmatian environment,
17
knives come from graves, two from a deposit and one from a hoard (Table
7).
They have a straight or curved
blade, triangular in section and are endowed with a short tongue to fix the wooden or bone handle, several
233
bear an orifice for the rivet, preserved in several instances, that helped attach the knife handle (Fig.
1/3,2/6,
6/4,13/5,15/2,19/2,23/3,28/2,31/4,39/9, 65/1-9).
VI.
2.5.
Lamps
Only one lamp comes from the isolated discovery at Klimenkovka. It is bronze made, ornamented on
a shoulder with a satire mask and the other with a silenian mask, both in relief. It bears a handle, while the
bottom is slightly heightened to form a cone hollow on the inside (Fig.
21/4).
It belongs to the Hellenistic
period upon the shape and dates from the 2nd century
БС,
which is confirmed by the rest of the inventory.
VI.
3.
JEWELRY AND GARMENT PIECES
VI.
3.1.
Bracelets
Within the researched graves bracelets are rarely found and are illustrated only by two types (Fig.
85).
Type I is represented by the bronze bracelet with free heads slipped one besides the other from
M
4
at
Babino
(Fig.
4/4,61/8),
and type II by two golden spiral bracelets from Soloncy (Fig.
34/4,61/8).
VI.
3. 2.
Earrings
Earrings are not that numerous and are represented by four types (Fig.
85).
Type I is illustrated by the
earring with zoomorphic head from Soloncy. It is a golden earring and has a sharp extremity, while the other
is ornamented in the shape of a lion head (Fig.
34/9, 60/1).
Type
Π
is represented by the golden annular
earring in
Τ
1
M
1
from
Sokolovo
(Fig. 32/10, 60/2),
with the inferior part in the shape of a clepsydra
adorned in the technique of granulation and filigree. Type III is illustrated by two annular golden earrings
found in the destroyed grave at Smoljaninova ending in the inferior part with spherical bulbs decorated in the
granulation technique (Fig.
16/6, 60/3).
Finally, type IV is represented by two annular earrings with a sharp
extremity and the other round discovered in
Τ
1
M
19
at Gromovka (Fig.
15/4-5, 60/4-5)
and a fragmentary
bronze made earring uncovered in
Τ
1
M
1
from L'vovo.
VI.
3.3.
Rings
Amongst bronze, silver or golden jewellery and garment pieces count a few rings of two types. Type I
is illustrated by a spiral golden ring in cylinder like shaped from Soloncy (Fig.
34/8, 60/6),
and the other type
is a simple bronze ring with distanced heads found in the Frunze grave (Fig.
14/3, 60/7).
VI.
3.4.
Links
Within early Sarmatian graves small numbers of links were identified and they are simply
manufactured. Within the analysed area there are three types of links. Type I is represented by the simple links
from Bulahovka
(6
bronze exemplars) (Fig.
9/10-12),
TIMI
from Burgunka
(1
iron exemplar) (Fig.
11/2),
Jančokrak
(4
silver and lead exemplars) and Snigirevka (bronze), and type
Π
by the spiral links in
Τ
2
M
4
from Novobarannikovka (Fig.
24/4-5).
Type
ΠΙ
is illustrated by a link with knobs from the destroyed grave at
Smoljaninova (Fig.
16/8).
VI.
3. 5.
Buckles
Beginning with the early Sarmatian period bronze or iron buckles became a characteristic of the
Sarmatian equipment. The early Sarmatian buckles are upon manufacturing characteristics with spin or tongue.
Nevertheless, within the analysed graves a singular buckle with only the iron tongue preserved comes from
Τ
4
M
17
at Sergeevka.
VI.
3.6.
Pendants
Pendants are not numerous and come from five graves and two isolated discoveries. Thus, from
Τ
7
M
2
at Alexandrovsk comes a bronze pendant covered with golden leaf. From
Τ
12
M
3
at Alexandrovsk
come two chalk pendants (Fig.
3/4, 6),
and from
Τ
1
M
19
at Gromovka comes the trapezoidal shell made
pendant and four bronze made, of oval
-
bi truncated cone shape and attached link (Fig.
15/3).
A golden
cylindrical pendant (identical with the small bucket pendants except it has no bottom) whose surface is
adorned with a filigree ornament comes from Soloncy (Fig.
34/9).
The last exemplar comes from
Τ
1
M
3
at
Vasñ'evka
and is a golden pendant in the shape of a crescent moon (Fig.
40/4, 60/14).
VI.
3. 7.
Appliqués
Within the analysed Sarmatian environment the number of garment appliques is small. They were
manufactured by punching and were sown onto the clothes. A first group is represented by golden and silver
234
appliqués
in the shape of a crescent moon from the destroyed grave at Smoljaninova (Fig.
16/6,60/8)
and the
hoard at Starobel'sk (Fig.
35/4,60/9).
Another category is illustrated by two golden pieces &om the destroyed
grave at Bulahovka, of irregular shape (Fig.
9/7-8, 60/10-11).
From the hoard at
Jančokak
come several
tubular
appliqués
made of thin golden leaf and displaying a striated surface.
VI.
3. 8.
Medalions
Medallions are illustrated by two golden round exemplars coming fiom
Τ
1
M
3
at
Vasiľevka
(Fig.
40/2-3).
The medallions are identical and were manufactured by the same stamp. They have each a golden
fastening ear
msed
in the inferior part. The image in relief represents a goddess of the Greek pantheon,
probably Aphrodite.
VI.
3. 9.
Meads
As an archaeological category, meads represent a rather important historical source. They are a
category of archaeological material that creates an ample image about the commercial relations, crafts
development, aesthetic tastes and other aspects of the ancient communities.
Within the analysed Sarmatian environment few meads were discovered, while the existent types are
well known, made of glass, camelian, agate, gagat etc. Meads were discovered in
T
7
M
2
(Fig^^a-c) and
T
10
M
2
at Alexandrovsk (Fig.
2/ба-Ь),
Balakleja (Fig.
5/6),
T
2
M
1
from Cehovka, Frunze (Fig.
14/4),
T
1
M
19
(Fig.
іб/ба-Ь)
and T
2
M
2
at
Gromovka
(Fig.
16/4a-ď), T
1
M
1
at LVovo,
T
2
M
1
at
Novobarannikovka
(Fig. 24/2-3),
T
1
M
1
at
Novolugansk
(Fig. 25/3),
T
3
M
8
at
Podgprodnoe
(Fig. 26/4),
T
1
M
1
at
Sokolovo
(Fig. 33/2-16),
T
2
M
18
at
Ševčenko and T
1
M
1
at
Vasiľevka
(Fig. 39/10).
VI.
3.10.
Brooches
Type I is represented by mid
La Tene
filiform brooches, type Kostrzewski B. All discovered
exemplars are bronze made. Within the analysed Sarmatian graves such brooches were uncovered in ten
graves (Table
9).
This type of brooches could be dated in our opinion mostly during the 2nd century
ВС
and the 1st half
of the Is« century
ВС.
Type
Π
is illustrated by mid
La Tene
filiform brooches, type Kostezewski H. Such brooches come
from
Τ
10
at
Kalančak
(Fig.
11/5, 57/5)
and the destroyed grave at Novye
Sanžary
(Pig.
17/2, 58/4).
They
could be dated mostly within the interval comprised between the end of the 2Itd century
ВС
and the mid 1st
century.
Brooches of type
Ш
are illustrated by a single exemplar coming from Soloncy (Fig.
34/2, 56/2).
The
brooch is manufactured of a single golden piece and has a bilateral spring formed of
12
windings and external
chord. The bow is slightly bent and the foot is returned over the bow and fastened by two muffs "engraved" with
transversal lines. The golden brooch at Soloncy has no perfect analogies, but similar brooches were found on the
territory of former Yugoslavia and Slovakia. They date during the
La Tene C2-D1
period, but differentiate by some
details. The piece from Soloncy was discovered beside a "soldierly" filiform brooch leading to the conclusion it was
in use also in mid and second half of me 1st century
БС
when the entire inventory of the discovery dated also.
Type IV is represented by La
Тепе С
brooches with lamellate or lanceolate foot Such brooches come
from
T
11
M
13
at Akkermen I (Fig.
1/7,56/5)
and
T
1
M
1
at
ličkova
(Fig. 12/3,58/1).
Chronologically, brooches of mis type date by the end of the 2nd century
ВС
and the end of the 1st
century
ВС.
The brooches within Sarmatian graves constitute most probably imports from the Zarubineck
culture.
Type V is illustrated by brooches of Neapolis type. Such brooches were uncovered in
T
1
M
1
at
Novolugansk (Fig.
25/1)
and the graves at Pokrovskoe (Fig.
27/2,58/5)
and
Stavki
(Fig.
27/3,58/6).
Chronologically, they date in the 1st century
ВС.
The inferior chronological limit does not exclude the
end of the 2nd century
ВС
or the boundary between the 2nd and the 1st centuries
ВС.
Type VI is represented by
late La Tene
filiform brooches with external chord and willow leaf shaped
bow. This type of brooches is illustrated by a single bronze exemplar coming from
T
1
M
3
at
Vasiľevka
(Fig.
39/2,58/3).
Morphologically, it is similar to lozenge brooches, dated in the 2°d half of the 1st century
ВС.
The brooch
from
Vasiľevka
is part of a rich grave dated at mid second half of the 1st century
ВС.
Type
Vu
is illustrated by discoid or oval brooches. The decoration is composed by geometrical,
phytomorphic, zoomorphic or
anťhropomorphic
forms. Such brooches were discovered
h T
1
M
3
at
Vasiľevka
(Fig. 40/1, 59/3)
T
1
M
4
at
Sokolovo
(Fig. 33/2, 59/4)
and the destroyed grave from Smoljaninova (Fig.
16/5,
59/5).
Chronologically, specialists date the exemplars during me 2nd and me 1st centuries
ВС.
235
Brooches of type WE are filiform and exhibit a short bilateral spring and interior chord ("soldierly"
brooches). The sole brooch of this type is part of die discovery from Soloncy (Fig.
34/5, 58/2).
They emerged sometime during the 2nd half of the 1st century
ВС,
a fact confirmed both by
discoveries from the Zarubineck and
Geto- Dacian
cultural environments. The brooch from Soloncy is an
additional proof, as it was discovered beside a series of pieces that do not surpass the limits of the 1st century
ВС.
VI.
3.11.
Remarks on jewellery and garment pieces evolution
Jewellery and garment pieces from early Sarmatian graves in the north of the Black Sea are of a small
typological variety. Several pieces were not generally spread in the early Sarmatian world and a great part were
imports from neighbouring cultural areas.
During the analysed period and space, a series of pieces with a large chronological framing were
utilised and they are represented by only one or two discoveries. Nevertheless, there are pieces that date from
a short time span.
Mostly used are brooches with a restricted dating. They are represented by
23
exemplars of
8
types
coming from
19
graves and two isolated discoveries. Their number within graves from the 2nd century and 1st
century
ВС
in the north ponthic area is much larger than in the area east of Don, where for the studied period,
only few pieces were identified. The situation is firstly due to the fact that the territory west of Don is closer to
cultural areas where these artifacts were manufactured and utilised on a larger scale, and secondly by much
tightened and ample contacts established between Greek cities, late Scythians, the bearers of the Zarubineck
culture,
Bastames
and
Geto-
Dations
on one hand and the north ponthic Sarmatians on the other.
All these artifacts illustrate certain aspects of the Sarmatian civilisation and create an image, although
vague, of their tastes and preferences (at least for a part of them) regarding garments. Consequently, the study of
jewellery and garment pieces completes successfully the data upon fashion and taste evolution of the Sarmatian
population during the 2nd and the 1st centuries
ВС.
At the same time, such artifacts are often best dating clues for
certain archaeological complexes. Further more, they pinpoint the chronological framing for other categories of
archaeological material.
VI.
4.
MIRRORS
Seventeen mirrors come from the analysed Sarmatian environment (Fig.
84),
and they could be
divided in four distinct types.
Type I is illustrated by discoid mirrors with thickened margin and handle in the shape of a nail,
represented by
5
exemplars
(Г2М2
from Carivka (Fig.
12/2),
Mthajlovka (Fig.
14/6, 62/1);
Razdol'skoe
і
Novoselki
Τ
3
M
4
(Fig.
27/1,62/3),
Sokolovo
Τ
1
M
1 (Fig. 33/1,62/1)
and Žovnino
(Fig. 43/4)).
The mirrors of the type belong chronologically within the interval of the 3rd century
ВС
and the 1st
century
ВС,
yet prevail in complexes from the end of the 2nd century the 1st century
ВС.
Type II is characterised by discoid mirrors, thickened margin and attached handle.
Such mirrors were discovered within the north ponthic Sarmatian environment at Soloncy (Fig.
34/1,
62/4)
and
T
2
M
1
from Novobarannikovka (Fig.
24/6).
The mirror from Soloncy is silver made and dates,
based on the pieces it was found beside, in the 2nd half of the 1st century
ВС,
while the bronze mirror from
Novobarannikovka dates in the 1st century
ВС.
Mirrors with round flat disc represent type
Ш.
Such mirrors come from
T
10
M
2
at Alexandrovsk (Fig.
2/9),
M
4
at
Babino
(Fig.
4/5),
T
1
M
23
at
Kairy,
T
1
M
1
at
LVovo
(Fig. 23/2),
T
1
M
1
at Novolugansk
(25/2),
T
3
M
8
at Podgorodnoe (Fig.
26/3),
T
2
M
18
at
Sevčenko
and
T
1
M
3
at
Vasiľevka
(Fig. 39/3).
The mirrors of the already mentioned type are found with the Sauromatians in the 6th and 5th centuries
ВС,
then with the early Sarmatians from the entire space they inhabited. They are found frequently with the Sarmatian
environment of the 1st century
ВС
and the 1st century AD, preponderantly in the latter. Once with the end of the 1st
century AD they cease to dominate within the Sarmatian world and beginning with the 2nd century AD only
singular exemplars are found
Mirrors of type IV are discoid, with vertical or oblique frame on the rim. Certain exemplars are
decorated by engraving, as for instance the exemplar in
T
2
from Frunze (Fig.
14/2, 62/5).
Within the studied
Sarmatian environment such a mirror, beside the already mentioned exemplar, comes from the grave at
Proletarskoe.
They date mostly in the
4*
and 2*d centuries
ВС
and represent beside other types of mirrors a direct
furtherance of the Sauromatian culture. The mirror from Frunze dates in the 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС
and the
one from Proletarskoe dates from the same period.
236
VI.
4.1.
Remarks
on mirrors from the early Sarmatiau environment in the area between Don
and Dniester
The mirrors from the
analysed
Satmatian graves belong to the types that were utilised during a certain
period of time on the entire region the Sarmatians inhabited.
The mirrors analysis allowed us observe that types
ΠΙ
and IV are found with a large or small
frequency with early Sarmatian graves within the area they inhabited, and they continue the Sauromation
culture tradition. On the other hand, mirrors of type I and II are basically characteristic to the chronological
interval between the 3rf and 1st centuries
ВС.
Type
ΠΙ
endures for a longer period and is found with the
Sauromatians during the
бљ
and
5Љ
centuries
ВС,
while during the 4th and 1st centuries
ВС
they expand on the
entire area me Sarmatians inhabited.
The mirrors typological variety in early Sarmatian graves from the north ponthic area west of Don is
much smaller mat the one east of
lhe
river. Circumstances are ordinary considering mat there are a few early
Sarmatian vestiges in the north ponthic area and the immense area from east of Don is the cradle of the
Sarmatian culture.
VI.
5.
METAL VESSELS
Currently, entirely preserved metal vessels come from the destroyed grave at Bulahovka, the hoard
from Velikoploskoe, as well from
Novočerkassk.
A fragmentary handle of a bronze vessel from the
Jančokrak
hoard and small fragments of a bronze vessel from Bulahovka add (Fig.
86).
VI.
5.1.
Silver vessels
Within the analysed discoveries there are four silver cups. Three come from the destroyed grave from
Bulahovka (Fig.
9/1,34, 63/1-2)
and one from the Velikoploskoe hoard (Fig.
45/7,63/3).
The cups from Bulahovka (Fig.
9/1, 3-4, 63/1-2)
are very close to the cone cups with thickened and
slightly returned rim. Closest analogies are the semispherical cups in the
Dacian
hoard from
Sîncrăieni
dated in
the 1st century
ВС.
The grave from Bulahovka dates most probably from the 1st half of the 1st century
ВС.
The cup from Velikoploskoe (Fig.
45/7, 63/3)
has no exact analogy, but a cup with similar shape
dated in the 1st century
ВС
exists in hoard no.
3
with J. Paul Getty Museum. The semispherical cups from the
Iberian Peninsula and the one in the rich
Dacian
hoard from
Lupu
are not that different in shape. No perfect
analogies for the outer surface decoration of the silver cups were identified, yet a similar adornment from
under the rim is found on the silver bowl from the 2nd century
ВС,
preserved with the Art Museum in Toledo.
Based on the dating of all pieces from Velikoploskoe and especially the bronze boiler, we consider that this
cup, although produced or acquisitioned sometime in the 2nd century
ВС,
was interred together with the rest of the
pieces in the hoard inventory sometime during the 1st century
ВС.
VI.
5. 2.
Bronze vessels
VI.
5. 2.1.
Boilers
This category of vessels is represented by the boilers from the Bulahovka grave (Fig.
9/2,64/1)
and
the Velikoloskoe hoard (Fig.
45/8, 64/2).
They belong to type IV in V. M. Kosjanenko and V. S. Flerov
classification and to type II in
N.
A. Bokovenko categorization.
Chronologically, tiiey date from the 1st century
ВС
and the 1st century AD (preponderantly in the latter)
and were principally discovered in the Kuban steppes, the Lower Don and rarely in Volga area.
VI.5.2.2.Situla
This category of vessels is represented by the bronze situlae from
Novočerkassk
(Fig.
бЗа/1).
Situla with similar shapes and proportions, without bronze or iron attachments and lacking also
orifices or other marks to suggest they existed, are known from
Bădeni
(Romania) and Sipoteni (Moldavia).
Exemplars from the hoards in Veseloja
Dolina,
Ukraine (Fig.
бЗа/3)
and
Bädragü
Noi,
Moldavia (Fig.
бЗа/4),
the deposit from Mir'evka, Ukraine (Fig. 63a/2), the Sarmatian grave (T1M9) from Sevemyj (Russia), the
cinerary grave no.
1
from Zubowice (Poland), as well as several exemplars found on the territory of Italy,
Spain, France and the former Yugoslavia. Such
sitala,
beside the one from
Novočerkassk,
still preserved the
attachment system of the iron handles consisting of an iron circle formed of two semicircles attached by rivets
that served as handles. The oldest situlae of this type comes from
M
8
at Montefortino, which is dated in the
interval between me 1st third of the 3rd centuries
ВС
and the end of the 3ld century
ВС
and the beginning of
the
2рл
century
ВС.
Both the situlae uncovered in the Roman fort used to besiege Numantia in
153
ВС,
as well
as the one from Villanueva
de Córdoba
storing a coins hoard of
roman
republican dinars issued between
145/138
and
104
ВС
belong to a later date. K. Raddatz includes this hoard in the hoard group generated
between
105
and
90/80
ВС.
The situlae from the five funerary pits at
Vieille-Toulouse
date during the 1st half
of me 1st century
ВС.
The situlae from
M
1
at Zubowice dates during phase A
2
(La
Tène D
1)
as the
237
inventory contained a brooch of type Kosttzewski K. The exemplar in the hoard from
Bădragii
Noi
(Fig.
бЗа/4),
identical to the one in Zubowice dates from the same period. The situla from Sipoteni were
discovered associated with a silver brooch of type Kosttzewski B. I.
I. Marčenko
dates the situlae in the
Sarmatian grave from Sevemyj during the 2nd century
ВС,
while sometime during the 1st half of the 1st century
ВС
is dated the one in the
Veseloja Dolina
hoard (Fig.
бЗа/3).
Based on the above mentioned we consider that the situlae from
Novočerkassk
could be dated most
probably by the end of the 2nd century
ВС
and the 1st half of the 1st century
ВС.
VI.
6.
WEAPONRY
VI.
6.1.
The offensive weaponry
Within the studied Sarmatian environment this category of weaponry is most numerous, being
represented by swords and daggers, bronze and iron arrow heads and spear heads.
VI.
6.1.1.
Swords
They are represented by three types of iron swords discovered within
10
graves and
4
isolated
discoveries (Fig.
87).
Type I Swords and daggers with
huif
moon ended handle
It is characteristic the half moon ended handle and straight hilt guard.
This type of sword appeared at the boundary of the 4th and
З1·1
centuries
ВС
and was used until the 1st
century
ВС.
Within the studied Sarmatian environment,
12
sword and dagger discoveries with the half-moon
ended handle are well documented (Tab.
14).
They date within the interval 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС,
yet several
exemplars belong, based on the pieces they were discovered beside, only in the 1st century
ВС.
Type II Swords and daggers with handle ending in a ring
This type of swords and daggers was predominant in the middle Sarmatian period and the discoveries
predominate on the entire territory inhabited by Sarmatians along several centuries.
Such swords were fund in
Τ
3
M
8
at Akkermen I and
Τ
1
M
1
from
Privoľnoe
(Fig. 29/3,68/7).
The sword from
Privoľnoe
is dated based on the Mid
La Tene
brooch type Kostrzewski
В
discovered
beside it, sometime during the 2nd half of the 2nd century and the 1st half of the 1st century
ВС.
The sword
from Akkermen I was dated based on the kanthams, at the end of the 2nd century and the 1st century
ВС.
The swords and daggers with the handle ended in a ring become predominant in the Sarmatian world
beginning with the 1st century AD. Thereafter they would dominate within the Sarmatian world until the 2nd
century AD and also the 1st half of the 3rd century AD.
Type III Swords and daggers with simple handle
Swords and daggers with simple handle are considered to be specific to the late Sarmatian period.
Recent studies indicate yet, that although predominate in the 2nd and 4th centuries
ВС,
they appeared earlier.
Within early Sarmatian graves in the north of the Black Sea the only exemplar was uncovered in
T
16
M
1
from Brilovka (Fig.
10/2,68/8).
Swords and daggers with simple handle must be divided in two variants dependant on the presence or
absence of the metal hilt guard. The first type comprises pieces with metal hilt guard while the second type
lacks the metal hilt guard.
Swords and daggers with metal hilt guard were present in the Sarmatian world beginning with the
4Љ
century
ВС,
and endured, with little morphological modifications until the first centuries AD, while pieces
lacking the metal hilt guard, as the exemplar in
T
16
M
1
from Brilovka (Fig.
68/8)
appeared much earlier,
although they are considered to be specific to the late Sarmatian period.
The sword in
T
16
M
1
from Brilovka is dated, based on the mid
La Tene
brooch type Kosttzewski
В
within the grave inventory, in the 2*d half of the 2°d century
ВС
and the Is' half of the 1st century
ВС.
VI.
6.1. 2.
Spears
Within archaeological discoveries spearheads are rarely found on the entire territory inhabited by the
Sarmatians during several centuries.
Within the area and period analysed,
9
points with spearheads discoveries of six types are documented
(Alexandrovsk
T
12
M
3;
Balki
T
26
M
1;
Kairy
T
1
M
24;
KalanČak T
10;
Kvašino; Sadovo T
2
M
1;
Sergeevka T
4
M
17;
Snigirevka; Velikoploskoe).
238
If we assume that the weaponry found within the burials ate a factual historical image, we should
admit that the Sarmatians made little use of spears ovet the centuries. On the other hand, if we consider the
spear as the basic Sarmatian cataphractarians charge weapon and that ancient authors' accounts (Strabo, Ovid,
Silius Italicus, Statius, Valerius Flaccus, Tacitus, Arrianus,
Pausanias,
Ammianus JMkcellinius and Claudius'
Cłaudianus)
favour the Sarmatians spear utilisation, we observe that facts are different.
It is certain that, likewise other peoples, the Sarmatians used spears as charge weapons and it had an
important role, being utilised by both pedestrians as well as the light cavalry, but also by cataphractarian
contingents, who appeared during the 1st century
ВС
and the spear was their basic weapon.
VI.
6.1. 3.
Bows
The Sarmatians in the early period used bows not substantially different from the ones the Scythians
used. Because their force and efficiency, the penetration power of the target and action range, this type of bow
expanded to other peoples more or lees in contact with the Scythians.
The Sarmatians would use the recurved bows of "Scythian" type until the 3rd century AD.
Trajan's Column exhibits Roxolanes Sarmatian bows that upon shape and dimensions are of
"Scythian" type. The Sarmatians represented on vessels in the Kosika grave are equipped -with such bows (Fig.
75).
Sarmatians used both bows of "Scythian" type and bows with bone reinforcements by the end of the
1st century
ВС
and the 1st century AD.
VI.
6.1. 4.
Arrowheads and quivers
Few arrowheads were discovered within die north ponthic Sarmatian environment of the 2nd and 1st
centuries
ВС
(Fig.
88).
Thus, only seven discoveries of the total analysed comprised arrowheads
(Alexandrovsk
T
10
M
2;
T
12
M
3;
Kvašino;
Novye
Sanžary, Uškalka; Velikoploskoe; Vinogradnoe
T
31
M
1)·
Although a few, they are represented by seven types within two groups:
1.
Muff arrowheads
2.
Peduncle arrowheads. The first group also consists of two categories: a. arrowheads with external muff b.
arrowheads with internal muff.
The discoveries within the Sarmatian environment confirm, at least generally, the arrowheads
typological and chronological evolution during last centuries
ВС.
Ovid accounts confirm that great part of the Sarmatians were archers when speaking about their full
quivers. The author also mentions that the Sarmatians used arrowheads smeared with snake venom. We
should argue that the Sarmatians, likewise the Scythians, Huns and Germans utilised bone arrowheads that
produced dirty wounds (infectious).
VI.
6. 2.
Defensive weaponry and equipment
VI.
6. 2.1.
Helmets
A few helmets were discovered on the territory inhabited by the Sarmatians and the majority were
evidently imported.
Four helmets
(Novočerkassk,
Novoprohorovka,
Privoľe, Melitopoľ)
(Fig. 92)
have been identified
within the Sarmatian environment of the region between Don and Dniester during me 2nd and the 1st
centuries
ВС.
Helmets from
Novočerkassk
(Fig.
48/3)
and Novoprohorovka (Fig.
48/2),
come from isolated
discoveries and those from Melitopol' (Fig.
47/4)
and
Privoľe
(Fig.
47/5),
were found in the tumuli mantle. In
R. H. Robinson's classification they belong to the Montefortino
А-Б
type, being similar to type A helmets,
dated in the
4*
and 3rf centuries
ВС,
as well as type B, dated to the end of the 3rf and 2nd centuries
ВС.
Helmets from
Novočerkassk, Novoprohorovka, Melitopoľ
and
Privoľe
are part of the same group of
discoveries of Etruscan-Italian and Celtic helmets in the norm, northwest and northeast of the Black Sea and
date most probably at the end of the 2nd and the 1st half of the 1st centuries
ВС.
They could be considered, beside the helmets of Montefortino
А
-B
type in the north, northwest and
northeast of the Black Sea, as products of the Etruscan-Italian workshops from the
4Љ
and 2»d centuries
ВС.
Further more, it could be observed that the local pieces beside they were identified alongside, determine for
several instances, a chronological differentiation between the date they were manufactured and me moment
they were used within the Sarmatian environment Consequently, it can be ascertained that helmets were in
use for a long period of time and changed several times the owner.
Based on helmets discoveries together with well dated pieces, we believe that they (Montefortino A,
B, Q,
reached most probably the steppes north of the Black Sea either as war spoil, consequent to the
Sarmatians' participation in Mithridates VI Eupator's military campaigns against Roman provinces in Asia and
239
Galatia,
or as direct acquisition from the Celts, when
tihe
latter were in region. Appianus account appears
relevant when reminding
Galatian
units led by Bitoites within
Miťhridates
VI Eupator army, transferred in
63
ВС
in Bosporus.
Unquestionably, great part of the Esteuscan-Italian and Celtic helmets found in the area between Caucasus
and the Danube mouths, come from much later discoveries than their production period.
VI.
6. 2.2.
Shields
Most probably, the Sarmatians used principally round shaped shields. They also utilised with certainty,
the oval shield of larger dimensions protecting a greater part of the body.
Although Sarmatian shields did not preserve, they were probably made, likewise other peoples shields,
entirely of wood covered by thick leather.
Along their history, the Sarmatians made use of wattle or tree bark shields, as specific to the entire
Eurasia territory.
They also used, beside mentioned shields, like the Scythians, metal placket shields. The fragmentary
shield in the complex from Velikoploskoe confirms such a fact (Fig.
45/5).
No metal umh shields have been documented for the early Sarmatian period so far. To date, the umboes
found in the rich tumulus grave from Sadovyj, tumulus grave no.
28
from
Vysočino,
T
17
M
1
trom Kurči and
Ozemoe
Ш
date ftom
the first centuries AD. All four instances were imported within the Sarmatian environment
Although archaeological data and literary sources do not provide much information, we consider mat the
Sarmatians used the shield along the time, mough less than other populations.
VI.
6. 2.3.
Armours
Within the analysed Sarmatian environment, the singular armour fragments were identified in the
destroyed grave at Bulahovka and the tumulus mantle "Tokmakmogila" near Melitopol' (Fig.
88).
The armour
scales are
iran
made and are of two sizes. The first, have a straight superior edge and round inferior edge, while the
other are of larger dimensions and are plate shaped. The bronze scales from Melitopol' were discovered beside
several
branže
mails and a type Montefortino
В
helmet
It can. be observed, based on discoveries from Bulahovka and Melitopol', that during the 2nd and the
1st centuries
ВС
the Sarmatians from the north Black Sea used two types of metal armours. This observation is
confirmed by discoveries in the Sarmatian environment east of Don as well.
The small quantity of the metal scales found in the eady Sarmatian period, lets us believe that armours
made of cheap materials, like bone and leather were used. Ancient authors like Strabo,
Pausanias
or
Ammianus Marcellinius account for the fact. Armours made of leather scales imitating metal ones were
utilised too.
VI.
7.
HARNESS PIECES
VI.
7.1.
Bridles
Type I Bridles of two metal rods with round bent ends and no extremity rings
Pieces of this type with mouthpiece of two flat rods are represented by two bridles in the
Novovasil'evka deposit, two entirely preserved and other three halves in the Velikoploskoe hoard (Fig.
46/3).
A pair of bridles in the destroyed grave from
Kvašino
(Fig.
22/3),
three entirely preserved and two
fiagmentary from Velikoploskoe (Fig.
46/1, 67/3),
made of curved rods can be added. The two entirely
preserved exemplars and other eight halves from Velikoploskoe made of square rods round in section belong
to this type.
Bridles of mis type appeared in Caucasus from early the
7Љ
and 6th centuries
ВС,
but started to be
used on a large scale in Eastern Europe only after a century. Firstly, bridles with round rods in section
predominated, but there are also exemplars with rectangular or square rods in section.
Type
Π
Bridles made of two metal rods with round bent ends and smaller or larger extremity ring8
Bridles of this type are represented by two exemplars in the Klimenkovka hoard (Fig.
20/1-2,67/1-2)
and an entirely preserved bridle and four fragmentary fom the Velikoploskoe hoard (Fig.
46/2, 67/4).
Two
links of
7,5
cm diameter (Fig.
46/5)
part of the fragmentary bridles ends were found also in Velikoploskoe.
They would be intensely utilised within a large area beginning with the
La Tene
epoch.
VI.
7. 2.
Hackamores
Type I Arched Hackamores in letter
С
shaped
Such hackamores come from the destroyed graves from Balakleja (Fig.
5/7, 66/6)
and
Kvašino
(Fig·
22/6-7, 66/4-5),
the Novovasil'evka deposit (Fig. 48a/l-3), as well as the hoards from Klimenkovka (Fig·
240
20/3-5, 66/1-3)
and Velikoploskoe (Fig.
46/3-4).
The two hackamores fom Balakleja covered with a tiiin
layer of silver can be remarked, as well as the two exemplars from
Novovasiľevka
(Fig.
488/1-3)
and other
two (one fragmentary) from
Kvašino,
with flattened extremities rendering a stylised animal. All hackamores
were discovered beside bridles belonging to the two types analysed above.
Hackamores of this type appear in Sarmatian graves as early as the
4Љ
century
БС,
but would be
mostly spread during the
4Љ
and
3«»
centuries
ВС,
especially in the Scythian world north of the Black Sea.
Nevertheless, such pieces are found in few amounts the north and northwest of the Black Sea until the 1st
century
ВС.
Type II Cross tike backamores
Within the researched Sarmatian environment, such hackamores come from the destroyed grave at
Kvašino
(Fig.
22/4-5, 67/5-6),
the
Novovasiľevka
deposit and the Velikoploskoe hoard (Fig.
46/1-2,67/3-4).
They were discovered together with riddles made of two iron rods with round bent ends and no lateral links.
Cross like hackamores are spread almost exclusively in the Kuban region, where they were utilised
especially by Sarmatians and Meotians. Their presence in farther regions and their total lack in the Sarmatian
environment of Volga and Don area, indicate the presence of Sarmatian groups from the Kuban region in the
norm and northwest of the Black Sea. The complexes' components wherefrom cross hackamores belong to,
as well as inventory resemblance with Sarmatian complexes inventories in the Kuban basin are edifying.
VI.
7.3.
Phalera
Phalera are sMver, seldom golden and rarely bronze pieces, circular and flat in surface, concave or
cone in relief and various dimensions. They were manufactured mostly, by stamping, hammering and finally,
engraving.
Within the nomad world in Eurasian steppes, the phalera were used as harness
appliqués
(Fig.
73,76-
77),
although in the Roman and Greek world they were predominantly used for garment purposes and other.
Phalera discoveries of Helenistic epoch concentrate mostly in the area comprised between Volga and
Danube (Fig.
91).
The ones discovered in the immense area between
РшЉ
and the west of Siberia belonged
to the Sarmatians.
Within the analysed Sarmatian environment, such pieces come from the destroyed graves at Balakleja
(Fig.
5/1,
ба/1-2,
4)
and Bulahovka (Fig.
8)
and the
Jančokrak
(Fig.
18/2-7),
Starobeľsk
(Fig.
35/7-8,
Зба/І-
3),
Taganrog (Fig.
37,
37a), Klimenkovka (Fig.
21/1-3)
and Velikoploskoe hoards (Fig.
45/6).
The first
5
discoveries are gilded silver made and belong to the
4Љ
slyüstic
group in V. I. Mordvinceva's classification (the
"graphic" style of the Black Sea region) whose essential characteristics are graphical and both original
representation aspects and decoration style.
Four of the Klimenkovka phalera (Fig.
21/1-3)
are gilded silver made and belong to the second
stylistic group in the already mentioned classification (the ccBosporan" style), characterised by the lack of small
decoration elements and me prevalence of Greek mythology motifs. Other two silver phalera in the Klimenkovka
hoard are flat (Fig.
21/1).
Two gilded silver phalera add exhibiting adornments suggesting a wheel in motion or
the solar disc with curved rays (Fig.
21/3).
A bronze phalera with a human mask in relief representation with the Velikoploskoe hoard (Fig.
45/6)
can be added. Closest analogies for the phalera at Velikoploskoe are the four bronze phalera of small dimensions
in me Sarmatian hoard at Bubueci (R. Moldavia) exhibiting also a central human mask representation.
VI.
7. 4.
Frontal appliqués
Hardly any in the researched area, they were found in hoards and deposits beside other categories of
harness pieces (phalera, bridles, hackamores), and pieces of military equipment pieces (Fig.
89).
During the last centuries
ВС,
frontal
appliqués
were discovered on the entire area comprised between
the Caucasus and the Danube mouths. Within the analysed Sarmatian environment they were discovered in the
Klimenkovka (Fig.
20/6, 71/6)
and Velikoploskoe hoards (Fig.
46/11, 15,71/5, 8)
and the
Novovasiľevka
(Fig.
48a/4,
71/1)
and Snigirevka deposits (Fig.
48a/5-6,
71/2-3).
They belong to type
Π
wimin
the classification of the
above mentioned specialist
Frontal
appliqués
from Klimenkovka,
Novovasiľevka
and Snigirevka date, based on the material they
were discovered beside, in the interval 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС,
while the three exemplars from Velikoploskoe
date in the 1st half of the 1st century
ВС.
VI.
7. 5.
Appliqués
Amongst harness pieces count also golden, silver (some gilded) or bronze appliques. They were
usually made by stamping, the decoration being completed by hammering and engraving. Such appliques
241
come from
lhe
Starobeľsk
hoard
(Fig. 35/2-3, 5, 8,
ЗЅа/4-5,
ві/вЩ
and graves from Balakleja (Fig.
5/2,
61/1)
and
Voľno-Ulanovka
(Γ
4
M
2) (Fig. 42/2,61/4).
An
intetesting
category of harness
appliqués
are gilded silver exemplars in the shape of an umbo in
profile with the central part displaying a large orifice. Such appliques come from the destroyed grave at
Balakleja (Fig.
Ба/З)
and the
Jančokrak
(Fig.
18/1, 61/3),
BOimenkovka (Fig.
20/7, 61/2)
and Velikoploskoe
hoards (Fig.
46/10).
A nail like silver applique in the
Starobeľsk
hoard, with triangular head ornamented with
geometrical motifs (Fig.
35/1)
and two circular silver
appliqués
from the destroyed grave at Bulahovka (Fig.
9/9)
add. Silver and golden
appliqués
round in plan and cone in profile with tow narrow strips shaped
extremities slipping one by the other that fastened belts (Fig.
46/12-14)
come from the Velikoploskoe hoard
and the Snigirevka deposit.
VI.
7. 6.
Remarks on harness pieces
Harness pieces within the studied vestiges illustrate little typological variety. Nonetheless, pieces of
this category are found, with few exceptions, in small amounts within the Sarmatian world of the 2nd and 1st
centuries
ВС.
Partly, they have a large chronological frame and are represented by few exemplars. Amongst, count
both bridles as well as hackamores belonging to both types.
The seven frontal
appliqués
coming from four discoveries, as well as the silver and bronze phalera
present in seven from ten harness pieces discoveries exhibit a narrow chronology.
Within the ten discoveries it can be generally noticed that most numerous pieces are phalera followed
by
appliqués,
hackamores, frontal aplliques and bridles, bi three instances harness pieces come from destroyed
graves (Balakeja, Bulahovka,
Kvašino),
in five from hoards
(Jančokrak, Klimenkovka, Starobeľsk,
Taganrog;
Velikoploskoe), and in two from deposits within tumuli mantles
(Novovasiľevka,
Snigirevka).
Harness pieces are associated within inventories with other categories of artifacts such as weapons,
bronze vessels (boilers) and silver vessels (cone and semispheric cups), as well as jewellery and garment pieces
(Table
19).
All discoveries of harness pieces, several of high value (phalera), in the analysed space and period,
their association in inventories with weapons, jewellery and garment pieces, bronze and silver vessels support
the remark that they belonged to Sarmatian knights who probably represented the Sarmatian aristocracy.
Further more, the existence of a large number of discoveries of such pieces within the Sarmatian environment
from east of Don and the Kuban region, as well as the fact that their topography corresponds with that of the
Etruscan- Italian helmets from the area east and west of Don, sometime discovered together, allow the
deduction that a great part date in the Mtthridates VI Eupator epoch. In fact, discoveries of such pieces left of
the lower Don and the Kuban region are attributed to the Sarmatians participating to the Mimridatic wars.
VII.
OBSERVATIONS REGARDING THE NORTH PONTHIC HISTORY IN THE
3ю
CENTURY
ВС
During the last two decades, the specialists' interest was directed to the issues regarding the causes of
the rapid ending of Scythia, the many Hellenistic and indigenous rural settlements cease and the
transformation of the entire relation system between the Barbarians and the Greeks.
At the moment; four points of view try to explain the causes of the events unfold in the 1st half of the
3rf century
ВС.
The first, takes into account, at least for the northwest of the Black Sea, the Celtic and
Galatians
incursions (V. V.
Ruban,
V. P. Jajlenko, I. Brujako). The second opinion argues that the causes must
not be sought within the political and military sphere, rather than the rapid change of natural and climate
conditions leading to the Scythian departure from the territories inhabited so far and the cease of
curai
settlements of the Greek cities (S. V.
Polin,
M. M. Ievlev,
V.
M. Otreško, A. Ju. Alexeev
etc.). The factor is
supplemented by the economic crises followed by other negative events as well as political (N. A. Gavriljik).
The third hypothesis sustainers look for these phenomena explanations within the economic sphere. Although
accepted for a while by certain specialists
(S. A. Žebelev, V. F. Gajdukevič, V. D. Blavatskij, I. B. Brašinskij, S.
Ju. Saprykin),
the hypothesis has no followers nowadays. It is based on the economic crises of me 1st half of
the 3rd century
ВС,
specifically, the situation in the grain market from the Mediterranean basin, which would
have had negative influence onto the Greek cities from the north of the Black Sea and firstly onto the agrarian
base represented by their rural settlements. Finally, the last and most popular, considers that the destruction of
the Great Scythia and the decay of the Greek cities and their rural zone was determined by the Sarmatian
242
penetration within the area west of Don (M. I. Rostovcev, A.
N.
Šeglov, K. F. Smimov, V.
I. Kostenko,
К. ВС
Marčenko, Ju.
G. Vinogradov etc.).
The first opinion's weak point is the locally approach in explaining the processes that involved all
territories in the north of the Black Sea and not only the Dniester and lower Bug area. Further more, we have
reasons to believe that in different comers of this immense area between Dniester and Don, both the
manifestations and concrete direction of the
déstabilisation
factors and their chronology are identical. Thus,
the cease of the fortified and
non
fortified Hellenes and the barbarians settlements in the Don delta, the'
northwest of Crimea, the lower Dnieper and Olbia surroundings during the 2nd quarter and the mid 3«1
century
ВС
indicate military actions of great proportions that, considering the immensity of the area cannot be
attributed to the Celts or the Germans in the Balkan
-
Carpathian and Danube basin. In fact, the Protogenes
decree solely, reminding
Galatians,
who as already demonstrated are not Celts, in alliance with the Sckians
(Germans) made preparations for an incursion against Olbia, cannot support the destruction of Scythia and its
agrarian base of the Greek cities north of the Black Sea by the Celts. Last but not least, it must be mentioned
that the Celtic realm seems to have not overpass to the north the Haemus Mountains at any time. Further
more, whether the
instauration
of the Tylis kingdom and the perturbation it produced in south Thracia
affected in a small amount Dobruja and the Greek cities herein, than the northwest and north ponthic region
was even less affected.
The second hypothesis displays even more inadequacies. Considering the specialists' field data, certain
small climate changes took place in the Hellenistic period, yet it is not clear when this process started. In
addition, it must be ascertained that no matter the starting point date in the global climate change, it must be
taken into consideration the fact that such changes endured over long periods of time (several centuries) to
reach the climax. On the other hand, archaeological data indicate a sudden and rapid cease of the greatest part
of Greeks and barbarian rural settlements in the region. It is interesting that on the eve of this event, during
the 1st quarter of the 3rd century, the life and economic activity of all Greek and barbarian settlements in
lhe
area between Don and Dniester reached their climax. Such facts made many researchers dismiss the opinion
that contradicts the above-mentioned data.
The economic hypothesis has also weak points. As
Ju. G.
Vinogradov observed its supporters
brought no proof so far regarding a well coordinated and competitive protectionist economic policy. The
specialist also noticed that there is no data to prove that ponthic grain was more expensive as compared to the
Egyptian grain. Further more, M. I. Rostovcev thesis, based on multiple data provided by several epigraphical
sources, stating that within the Hellenistic grain trade, demand was greater than offer, was not dismissed to
date. Nevertheless, the discussed opinion brings solid arguments expressed in both previous as well a recent
studies, which argue that certain aspects be considered.
The fourth theory is embraced by a large number of researchers and it is based on data offered by
written sources. Ju. A. Vinogradov, K. K.
Marčenko
and E.
Ja. Rogov
argued recently two successive
Sarmatian attacks in the north ponthic area west of Don. They consider the first attack to have taken place at
the boundary of the
4Љ
and 3rd centuries
ВС
or at the beginning of the 3rf century
ВС
and was exclusively
directed against the Scythians. A tranquillity period followed that endured for approximately thirty years. The
second attack took place at the boundary of the 70's and 60's
ВС
and was directed against sedentary
populations in the north of the Black Sea. Consequently, certain specialists believe that great part of the Greek
and barbarian settlements not only in the Lower Don, Dnieper, Bug, Lower Dniester and northwest of
Crimea, but also the European part of Bosporus ceased to exist. They explain the lack of Sarmatian material
findings in the north ponthic area west of Don by devastating attacks undertook from the steppes between
Don and Volga or the Kuban region.
Archaeological data allow us state trustfully that in the
2°*
half of the 4th century
ВС
they Sarmatians
began to enter and settle close to the territories inhabited by the Scythians. The fact is confirmed by the
apparition in the steppes area east of Don, Kuban region and the northern Caucasian territories, of funerary
complexes belonging to the new nomads coming from east. It must be remarked that the Sarmatians'
penetration and further settlement in these territories destabilised the political and military situation in the
Kuban region and the north of Caucasus, which become manifest in the fortification systems raised to protect
local population settlements, and in certain instances in their ceasing to exist.
A similar situation developed during the
2^
half of
tìie
4Љ
century
ВС
on the eastern Scythian border. For
the instance me erection of new supplemental defensive systems in the fortified settlement from Ehzavetovsk
upon Don is certain. It is also relevant in mis period mat
lhe
"royal" Scythian tumuli area moved to the west
indicating the area delimitation under Scythian control.
Therefore considering both the entire situation from the north ponthic region above presented and
all up to date information and opinions, we can ascertain mat at the boundary of the
4*
and the
W
centones
243
ВС
or at the beginning of the 3«1 century
ВС,
the Sarmatians crossed the Don and invaded a part of Scythia.
Indicative is the fortified settlement from Elizavetovsk whose population deserts the settlement, without
resistance. At the same moment, probably, cease to exist a series of settlements in its surroundings.
Proof for the devastating incursions the Sarmatians undertook in the steppes and forest steppes west
of Don are the fortified settlements that cease to exist consequent to the violent attacks they were subjected to
at the boundary of the 4th and 3d centuries
ВС
and the beginning of the 3rd century
ВС.
The Sarmatian invasion that took place at the boundary of the 4th and 3rd centuries
ВС
or at the
begmning of the 3d century
ВС
was followed along the entire 3d century by many others of greater or smaller
intensity. Consequently, ceased probably to exist certain economic Greeks and Barbarians centres in the area
between Don and lower Dnieper, the European part of Bosporus or the Lower Bug. Such an exact event
evolution is contained in the olbian decree to honour Protogenes. Its lines describe how the
Sais
Sarmatian
king, Saitaphames, threatened to attack the city and forced the Olbians to pay tribute.
Very probable, the Sarmatians
fem
the region east of Don and Volga were the
déstabilisation
factor of a
large part of the north ponthic area and embarked along the 3d century
ВС
on periodically organised devastating
incursions west of Don. Probably during
Ље
3d century
ВС,
the occupation of the area west of Don did not
interest
lhe
Sarmatians. Hence, it is relevant that the few Sarmatian vestiges in the space between Don and Volga
and the left Volga perimeter would not create
a démographie
tension. The situation is most likely the cause for the
Sarmatians' not resorting to occupy the area west of Don during the 3d century
ВС.
Once with the 2nd century
ВС,
within the ethical and political structure of the Eastern Europe, a series of changes of a totally different
character firom the migrations of the
4*
and 3d centuries
ВС
intervened and subsequent attacks were territorially
much limited. The period is characterised by the Huns movements' reactivation, the nomad penetration in Central
Asia, the fall of the Greek
-
Bactrian kingdom, the substantial increase of nomad population in the Asian Scythia,
the new groups of Sarmatians penetration in its territory and pressures upon the Asian part of Regnum Bospori.
Innovations within
lhe
Sarmatian culture can be added too. Forced by such movements, during the 2nd century
ВС
most probably, the Sarmatians crossed the Don and occupied the entire region between Don and Dnieper.
For the period, literary sources mention in territories the Sarmatians occupied, new nomad groups: between
Dnieper and Don
—
the Roxolanes and iazyges, the Aorsians upon Don, the Upper Aorsians in the Caspian
Sea region and the Siracians in the Kuban region.
Regarding the north ponthic region during the 3rd century
ВС,
we believe that not all Greek cities
rural settlements and Scythian settlements in the forest steppes (especially those west of the north ponthic
area), ceased to exist upon the Sarmatian invasions threat Further more, most probably, the total incursion in
the north ponthic territory west of Don in me form and scale described by
Diodorus,
did not exist. Last but
not least, the Sarmatian factor must be analysed considering both the territorial and chronological aspects as
well as other possible causes for Scythia and large part of the Greek cities rural settlement ceasing to exist, and
also their influence upon the crisis the latter entered beginning with the 70's and the 60's of the 3td century
ВС.
For instance, in the 2nd quarters of the mid 3rd century, a large part of rural settlements in the European
part of Regnum Bospori, northwest of Crimea and the territory of Chersonesus, did not endure most probably
because Scythian incursions.
Nikonion
and Tyras rural settlements, as well as Barbarian settlements in the
area, did not last on the account of other barbarian populations. In fact, it is hard to believe that Sarmatian
incursions reached Dniester during the 1st half of the 3rd century
ВС.
On
lhe
other hand, considering that a large area dealt with similar phenomena, we assume that the
situation was, probably, determined also by other factors, of smaller or greater importance. Thus, it is not
excluded that, beside the danger exerted by outside enemies, which was in fact the main situation cause during
the 1st half of the 3d century, amongst negative factors that were successive links in the chain of events, would
count also the changes within the society, the irrational use of natural resources and the economic and political
crisis within the Hellenistic society. In fact, indisputably in conformity with the unwritten laws generally valid
for the human societies evolution, a period of expansion and glory is succeeded by regress upon internal and
external causes.
Sometime by the end of the 3d century
ВС
in the Lower Dnieper region appear minor indications
that the Scythians returned in settlements and fortifications they had deserted previously, and at mid 2fld
century
ВС,
Scythian settlements upon the Lower Dnieper transform themselves in fortified settlements. No
sooner than the 2'd half and the end of the 2nd century
ВС,
the burials in the flat necropolis belonging to these
fortified settlements can be dated.
By the end of the 3d century
ВС
and the beginning of the 2'd century
ВС
the earliest vestiges
belonging to the late Scythian culture from Crimea can be dated. Hereafter, a concentration and a rapid
ulterior nomads consolidation, especially in the
pre
mountain region where Little Scythia with the capital at
244
Neapolis
emerged, can be observed. Beginning with the
2»*
century
ВС,
Crimean Scythian population
increases sensibly and &om the mid century fortified settlements appear in the northwest of the peninsula.
During me last decades of the
3*
century
ВС
in Eastern Europe, on the west border of the analysed
territory, appeared the
Bastames
tribes, whose historical interventions of the period are mentioned in literary
sources. Archeologically, they were identified in the central and northern part of the area between the eastern
Carpathians and Dniester, with the
Poienesti-Lukaševka
culture, constituted during the last decades of the 3rd
century
ВС.
An
indirect
proof for the
Bastames
presence by the end of the 3rf century in the northwest of the
Black Sea is the olbian decree for Protogenes part two, wherefrom we find that the
Galatians
and the Scirians
made an alliance, gathering large armed forces and prepared to march upon Olbia. Nowadays, it became clear
mat the ancient authors (Polybios,
Diodorus
Siculus, Titus Iivius and later Plutarch) identification of the German
-
Bastames
with the Galatians (Celts), originates in a confusion specific to mose times when the barbarian
populations north of the Alps and the Danube were classified upon the traditional delimitation
"
the Celts in the
west the Scythians in the east". The Scyrians are, with certainty, a Germanic tribe -who was part of the first
Germanic wave that entered the eastern Carpathian area and who are probably
a Bastames
branch, wnetefiom
they constitute a supplemental danger for the Greek cities on the northwest and west coast of the Black Sea.
During the same period, when the territory of Moldavia is invaded by the
Bastames,
the bearers of the
Zarubineck culture, who are also Germanic and most probably kindred with the
Bastames,
establish in the mid
Dnieper region.
It is certain that during the period previous to the Saraiatian settlement in the north of the Black Sea, the
steppes herefrom were free of prior nomad population, that subsequently concentrated in the Lower Dnieper,
Crimea and in a smaller degcee in Dobruja. The forest steppes on the mid Dnieper had already been occupied by
the beacers of the Zarubineck culture, the
Bastames
the Getae- Dacians settled west of Dniester, while
ťhe
coast
belonged to the Greek in crisis.
VIII.
THE HISTORY OF THE EARLY SARMATIANS IN THE NORTH OF THE
BLACK SEA
The period and character of the Sarmatian penetration in the north ponthic area west of Don still
represents a much-debated problem within the speciality literature. literary sources supporting various dates for
the Sarmatian penetration in this territory are usually commented and interpreted incorrectly. On the other hand,
when discussing the Sarmatians expansion to the west, several researches make no distinction between the
penetration into the north of the Black Sea and its effective occupation.
Thus, the evidence for the Sarmatian dwelling in Europe (that is west of Don) as early as the 4th century
ВС
takes into consideration the information in Eudoxos from Knidos and Scytex from Carianda documents, who
mention the Sirmatians upon Tanais (Don) or in its vicinity. Nevertheless, their localisation on Don's right bank is
exaggerated, as Eudoxos uses the statement "nearby Tanais", which would not allow expanding
lhe
dwelling
onto both banks of the river. The passage in Scylax from Carianda hardly constitutes a solid evidence for the
Sirmatians dwelling onto only Don's right bank.
Confirmation for Sarmatia's early location west of Don is considered Teophrastus mention of
Sarmatia tophonymy when describing a mythical animal living in Scythia and Sarmatia. Yet, we must observe
that the text in Teophrastus does not indicate whether it refers to only one region for which both
denominations are utilised, respectively Scythia and Sarmatia, or two different regions. We believe that two
regions are involved, if Sarmatia denomination was not replaced by Sauromatia denomination by a later
copyist or even introduced by one. Considering the
ebove
mentioned, probably no latter than the beginning of
the 3«1 century
ВС,
the Greek authors had knowledge of, beside Scythia, a "country" inhabited by the
Sarmatians and located east of Don. The Sarmatia tophonym is mentioned also by Antigonos from Carystos
and Isigon from Niceea, who overtook the information from Heraclides.
When thoroughly analysed, the information in Heraclides does not prove with certainty Sarmatia's
existence in me
4Љ
century.
Beginning with the 3rf century
ВС,
literary sources replace me Sauromatian and Sirmatian denominations
with me Sarmatian one. The Sarmatians are firstly referred to in "A description of fbe Earth5', a Perigeses in
980
iambic rimes belonging to a anonymous author from the end of the Qp* and the beginning of me 1st centuries
ВС,
initially attributed to the geographer Scymnos, which determined its reference under the name of Pseudo-
Scymnos. Considering the utilised sources, the geographical and ethical ckwmstances mentioned by Pseudo-
Scymnos can be attributed to the 2nd half of the 3d century
ВС,
while the information refers to the territories east
of Don that the Sarmatians inhabited during the 3d century
ВС
245
It is ascertained that sources of the 4th and 3rf centuries
ВС
mentioning the Sirmatians, Sarmatians and
the territory named Sarmatia surely indicate the Don area and its eastern region, as well as the Kuban basin and
the territories north of Caucasus.
It is acknowledged that one of the earliest written sources specifying the Sarmatians dwelling in the
north ponthic area west of Don is the legend about the Sarmatian queen
Amaga
preserved in Polyainos
papers. Although the information is provided by a legend, the events regarded by Polyainos were dated in the
2nd century
ВС
until the mid century, during
165-140
ВС,
the end of the
3ώ
and the beginning of the 1st
centuries
ВС.
Yet, we must admit that the exact date of the events unfold in the legend cannot be established.
Important evidence confirming the existence of the European Sarmatia in the 1st quarter of the 2nd
century
ВС
is found with Polybios
acoounţ,
which renders the peace treaty closed in
179
ВС
between Phamaces I
and Mithridates, the satrap of
Armenią
on one hand, and Eumenes king of
Pergamům, Ariaraťhes
king of
Cappadocia and Prussias king of Bithynia on the other hand. The treaty text included also rulers from Asia,
Artaxes, king of Armenia and
Acuşilah
(unknown tide), and European rulers like Gatal, king of the Sarmatians and
a series of Greek cities like Heracleia, Mesambria, Chersonesus and Cyzicus.
Largely, the specialists locate Gatal's Sarmatians in the norm ponthic area west of Don, a fact sustained
by the Sarmatians king's title. The localisation is based upon the detail that ancient authors recognised Tanais as
lhe
border between Europe and Asia. Nevertheless, we must maintain that although Polybios is considered to
have used this partition, Europe's meridional delimitation from Asia appeared quite late, while the Phasis-Caspia-
Aral-Sîrdaria
latitudinal delimitation, originating in early Ionian geographers and applied during the classical Greek,
Hellenistic and partially Roman periods was used. Additionally, the careful analysis of the existent archaeological
data in me region west of Don and the Kuban region providing evidence for both king Gatal's activity and
lhe
Sarmatian tribes situation during the 3rf and the beginning of the 2cd centuries
ВС,
concluded that his possessions
extended upon latter territories (S. V.
Polin,
1.1.
Marčenko).
Independently from Polybios border delimitations between Europe and Asia, the treaty text demarcates
Europe from Asia in compliance with Ionian geographers tradition,
i.e.
latitudinally. Subsequently Gatal's king title
does not imply at all that the territory he possessed was located only in me north ponthic region west of Don. We
believe that the area the king controlled was located mainly in the Kuban region. Nevertheless, it cannot be
excluded that, although in the area west of Don, Sarmatian monuments start to appear beginning with the 2nd
century
ВС,
the territory Gatal controlled would extend right of the river.
Important support for the Sarmatianas' early penetration in the steppes west of Don is found with
Diodorus
Siculus, who reports that the Sarmatians, years after being brought from Media, devastated a great
part of Scythia, transformed it in an uninhabited place and destroyed the vanquished.
Though the events are described within the document making reference to the eady history of Scythia, it
can be noticed that the text from
Diodorus
does not imply the event belonged to the archaic Scythia. The stated
fact tihat waging a part of Scythia took place long after the Sauromatians were brought from Media is inserted
information, a typical procedure for the Greek historical literature and characteristic to
Diodorus.
In fact, the
discussed passage becomes evident by the words "many years later". Following this parenthesis,
Diodorus
returns to the events from the early history of Scythia taking place long time before events in the mentioned
passage. If it weren't the case, any impartial reader of Diodorus's document would be confused about the way
Scythia continued to exist if great part of its population was slain, or about the way an intrareign was set up in a
once destroyed and devastated country. Even archaeological data do not contradict Diodorus's statements, but
rather confirm them considering he is not writing about the Sauromatian conquest and occupation of Scythia, but
about its devastation, which are in fact two different things.
Beside the passage in
Diodorus
Siculus, evidence for the Sarmatians' incursions in the steppes west of
Don, in the 3rf century
ВС
is, as several specialists opinionate, the Olbian decree to honour Protogenes, dated in
the 30's and 20's of the 3d century
ВС,
but no latter than
213
ВС.
The first part of the decree tells us that the
Sais
tribes led by king Saitaphames, approached Olbia and required a tribute, and Protogenes contributed each time.
Usually, the specialists considers the
Sais
as "royal Sarmatians" reminded by Strabo and Appian. A. V.
Simonenko and B. I. Lobaj consider that the
"юуаі
Satmatians" as well as the
"юуаі
Scythians" are either a
dcmiiinant group of nomads or a aristocratic clan or tribe that considered all the others as slaves. Further more,
they opinionate that the
"юуаі"
Scythians or Sarmatians are not an ethnical group, rather than a political and social
class.
Views are different regarding the
Sais
tribes and the area they inhabited. Thus, several researches believe
they inhabited the area east of Olbia, which is west of Don. Other researchers consider that if the
Sais
of
Saitaphames were Sarmatians, they certainly did not dwell either west of Dnieper or west of Don, based on
archaeological data that
prave
no effective presence of the Sarmatians west of this river before the 2nd century
ВС.
246
Recently, A V. Simonenko when analysing data referring to the speed different hotse breeds needed to
cover a distance within a day, reached the conclusion that Saitaphames's sailes were Sarmatians that lived in
lhe
steppes left on tiie Lower Don and tiie Kuban region, whereftom they operated incursions over Olbia. Thus, if
the
sais
were Sarmatians, the opinion upon which they inhabited regions east of Don, becomes more plausible.
To conclude, we can state that the Olbian decree contains one of the earliest information reminding
the Sarmatians west to Borysthenes (Dnieper), yet it is impossible to utter that they inhabited the area, because
no archaeological data attests the effective Sarmatian presence west of Don but beginning with the 2nd century
ВС.
The first unquestionable evidence for the effective Sarmatian presence in the north ponthic region
must be considered tiie information in tiie decree honouring Diophantes from Chersones. The inscription
lines, referring to the war events between Chersonesus and the Scythians that took place by the end of the 2nd
century
ВС
(between
112-110
ВС?),
tell that during the confrontation, the Reuxinalians fought beside the
Scythians of Palacos against Mirthridates
Eupatoŕs
generals. It must be specified that the decree makes
reference to Diophantes three campaigns against the Scythians from Crimea, and that only during the third
winter campaign the Scythians asked help from the Reuxinalianes (Roxolanes). The events in the decree
honouring Diophantes are completed by Strabo, who reports that the Roxolanes led by Tasios, fought also
against Mthridates
Eupatoťs
generals; they supported Palacos, son of Skiluras in battle and seemed to be
warriors. It is noticeable that a few lines above this passage, Strabo delimitates the territories the Roxolanes
occupied, saying that they inhabited the plains between Tanais and Borysthenes.
Recently, following an analysis that takes into account all elements related to burials funerary rites and
rituals, ancient sources information as well as the situation in the territories west of Don and the Kuban region
during the same period, it was reached the conclusion that the burials in the north ponthic area, having the head
oriented towards north, must be attributed to the Roxolanes. In our opinion, the identification reliability is
confirmed also by the burials oriented towards north of the 1st and 2nd centuries AD from the north ponthic area,
where ancient authors mention the Roxolanes (Tacitus,
Flavius
Josephus etc.).
Consequently, we can ascertain that the Sarmatian burials of the 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС
from the
area west of Don must be identified as Roxolan burials. As such, the territory inhabited by the Roxolanes
during the 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС
generally corresponds with Strabo's settling them in the area between
Dnieper and Don
(VII,
3,17).
Strabo mentions for the eady Sarmatian period other groups of Sarmatians (the Sarmatian Iazyges and
those called Royal Sarmatians) that inhabited the north of the Black Sea, Most eloquent data upon the settlement
of the Sarmatian tribes in the north ponthic area west of Don are in found passage
ΎΕ,
3,17.
Considering that Strabo describes the ethnical and political situation from the end of the 2nd and the 1st
centuries
ВС,
the specialists consider this passage as evidence for tiie Sarmatian dwelling, as early as that time, west
of Dnieper, although this territory comprises few Sarmatian burials of the time. In fact, it is difficult to date each
passage in Strabo referring to the Sarmatians,, unless linked with certain events, as for instance the war between
Chersonesus and the Scythians or the wars between Mthridates Eupator and Rome. Taking into account both
Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa's
(63 - 12
BQ map, reflecting the situation from the mid 1st century
ВС
during
which the western border of the area inhabited by the Sarmatians is established upon Dnieper, as well as the
extent and power of the Dacians led by Burebista, but also the archaeological information, we consider that
Strabo's settling the Iazyges echoes a situation no earlier than the last quarter of the 1st century
ВС.
Appianus mentions also tfie royal and Iazyges Sarmatians in the north of the Black Sea when referring to
tiie third war between Mthridates VI Eupator and the Romans, who on crossing into Europe was supported by
those royal Sauromatians, the Iazyges. Unfortunately, Appian does not locate exacily tiie Royal and Iazyges
Sarmatians and his account proves that Royal and Iazyges Sarmatians were part the Sarmatians from the north
ponthic region during the 1st half of the 1st century
ВС.
Consequent a thorough analysis, A. V. Simonenko reached the conclusion that early Sarmatian burials
from the north ponthic area south oriented, must be attributed to the Iazyges. The opinion is defended by earliest
Sarmatian burials from the basin of Dniester and Lowed Danube, exactly where Ovid mentions the Iazyges at the
beginning of the 1st century
ВС,
are south oriented. Observations upon Sarmatian burials in the
Pannonian
Plain,
where ancient authors locate the Iazyges, where south oriented tombs
enduœ
for almost four centuries. On the
other hand, in the northwest of the Black Sea, beginning with tiie 1st century
ВС,
the south orientation disappears,
while north oriented graves prevail, coinciding with the data emergence regarding the Roxolanes, as inhabitants of
the northwestern ponthic region.
Appianus's documents reports that at the beginning of the 1st war with Rome, a vanguard unit of
Mithridates, formed of
100
Sauromatian knights, defeated Nicomedes unit formed of
800
knights. He states that
247
Scythians,
Taures,
Baslames, Thracians, Sarmatians
and other peoples
from
ťhe
Danubian
and north ponthic
regions formed Pontus's monarch army. Appianus details the norm ponthic
Sarmatians'
participation within
the third Mimridatic war by saying that when crossing into Europe,
".
from the Sauromatians came to
help the Royal, Iazyges
. ".
The
Sarmatians
participation in the Mithridatic wars is archeologically confirmed by a series of hoards
and deposits, identified on the entire area between the
Prnth
and the
pre
mountain region of Caucasus,
belonging to knights. Certain categories of pieces are specific for such discoveries: phalera, bridles,
hackamores, frontal
appliqués,
certain bronze and silver vessels, as well as helmets. The discoveries expansion
up to Pruth, contours me territories these Barbarians reached. On the other hand, the total lack of Sarmatian
burials synchronised with hoards and deposits in the area west of Bug, indicates that they did not inhabit this
territory yet. However, considering that Mithridates VI Eupator had amongst allies, the
Bastames,
Thracians,
Scythians and the Greek cities on the north and west coast of the Black Sea, this area would normally bear
vestiges belonging to Sarmatian knights in Mithridates army, who organised an incursion against Rome
through the north of the Black Sea, Thracia and Macedonia.
Data mentioning the Sarmatians in relation with the events of the 1st century
ВС
are given by
Dio
Cassius, who counts that in
16
ВС
the consul L. Tarhis Rufus repelled and drove away to the left of the Danube
the Sarmatianas that crossed the river to attack Roman possessions. Firstly, the account reports one of the first
conflictos
between the Romans and the Sarmatians and secondly, mentions the Sarmatians during the last years
ВС
far towards west
The Sarmatians are also mentioned by Augustus in the short account of his most outstanding deeds,
where states mat the Sarmatian kings from both sides of Tanais requested Roman friendship.
Ancient sources providing information referring to the Sarmatians by the end of the 1st century
ВС,
report an increase in Sarmatian pressure onto the eastern borders of the Empire and their rapid progress towards
west Ovid furnishes relevant details and considers the Sarmatians stable presence by the Lower Danube.
Consequently, it can be understood, based on written and archaeological data, the Sarmatian settlement
onto the north ponthic territory west of Don only from the 2nd century
ВС.
Based on literary and epigraphic
ancient sources we can ascertain mat the Roxolanes and the Iazyges succeeded in a short period of time to occupy
the entire territory to the Dnieper. The tribes' settlement in the mentioned area, made their civilisation acquire
several local traits thus difFerentiating it from the east Sarmatian culture. Nevertheless, the topography and burials
character demonstrate that this population was the most western component of the Sarmatian ethnical massive
ramer
man a separate entity, even though their culture was slightly influenced.
If we accept to identify the north oriented burials with the Roxolanes, and south oriented burials with the
Iazyges, we must declare that taking into consideration the number of discoveries, it is hard to design a
geographical delimitation of territories they occupied in the north ponthic area west of Don. On the other hand, it
is assured that during the last centuries
ВС
the northern ponthic steppes were occupied and inhabited mostly by
Iazyges and Rozolanes.
During the 1st century
ВС,
the Sarmatians were the close neighbours of the late Scythians in the Lower
Nipper area who fortified their settlements during the mid and second half of the 2nd century
ВС,
on the account
of the Sarmatian danger.
Towards the end of the 1st century
ВС
the Sarmatians settle in Crimea as shown by burials in the
southwest and centre of Crimea. However, a Sarmatian short presence during the wars between Chersonesus
and the Scythians can be accepted.
During the 1st century
ВС,
the Sarmatians, dwellers of the steppes east of Dnieper, started to organise
incursions against the fortifications of the Zarubineck culture upon the Mid Dnieper. The reconstruction and
strengthening of fortification system are proof. Discoveries of Sarmatian arrowheads outside the vallum of several
fortifications supplement evidence for Sarmatian military incursions during me 1st century
ВС.
On the other hand,
we must notice that the Sarmatians did not actually settle here, as shown by the lack of burials of me 1st century in
the region. Sarmatian burials appear on the territory of Zarubineck culture only in the 1st century
ВС.
Nevertheless, trade relations were established between the bearers of the Zarubineck culture and the Sarmatians,
as indicated by specific pottery and brooches finds within a few Sarmatian burials.
Once settled in the north ponthic area, the Sarmatians establish relations with the north ponthic Greek
cities as illustrated by Greek pieces
wimin
the funerary inventory of Sarmatian burials. At the same time, once me
north and northwestern ponthic area was reached, the Sarmatians came in contact with the
Geto- Dacians,
who
inhabited the territory east of the Carphatians, but whose vestiges are found also in settlements east of Dniester,
where
Geto
-
Dacian
presence is archaeologically attested during me
4*
and 1st centuries
ВС.
A V. Simonenko delimited two phases in the Sarmatian penetration to west of Dnieper. The first is
characterised by sporadic incursions into the right Dnieper territories during the 2nd and the 1st centuries
ВС,
while
248
the second, beginning by the end of the l·* century
ВС
embodies the massive Samiatian settlement west of the
river.
Thus, we can trustvrorthily conclude that during the
1*
century
ВС,
the Sarmatians totally occupied the
steppes between Don and Dnieper, wherefrom seldom penetrated to the right of the Dnieper, disturbing the
bearers of the Zarubineck culture, and reached the Lower Danube. Burebista's kingdom collapse soon after his
death
(44
BQ and the
Geto-
Dacians and
Bastames
defeat by the Romans in
28
ВС,
facilitated the Sarmatian
occupation of both this region and the one west of Dniester as well.
Finally, we wish to maintain that the early Sarmatian period in the north of the Black Sea set the
foundations for the European Sarrmtia, which formed by subsequent phases within a long and complex
process, rather by a concomitant action. The analysis of the early
Sarmatian
vestiges in the north ponthic
region indicates that opinions favouring the Sarmatians settling in the area west of Don as early as the 4th and
3rd centuries
ВС
are groundless. In fact, the region between Don and Dniester, except for the Sauromatian
with early Sarmatian elements burial from
Uškalka
dated in the 4th and 3«1 centuries
ВС,
does not comprise
any Sarmatian complex to be dated with certainty earlier than the 2nd century
ВС.
DC CONCLUSIONS
The interpretation and analysis of all sources related to the early Sarmatians in the north ponthic
region allowed the drafting of certain specifications regarding their settling within the already mentioned area,
the character of their penetration in the region, as well as the dynamic of their relations with the surrounding
world. Further more, the
systématisation
and detailed analysis of all categories of archaeological material
allowed us draw a complete image of the early Sarmatians culture in the analysed area.
At the boundary between the
4ώ
and 3ri centuries
ВС
or at the beginning of the 3rf century
ВС,
the
Sarmatians crossed the Don and invaded a part of Scythia. They continued their penetration along the 3rd
century
ВС
with a smaller or higher intensity.
Evidence for the early Sarmatian incursions in the steppes west of Don are found with
Diodorus
Siculus and the Olbian decree to honour Protogenes. Nevertheless, it cannot be sustained that they inhabited
the north of the Black Sea, as archaeological sources do not attest an effective Sarmatian presence west of
Don before the 2nd century
ВС.
The first positive attestation of the effective Sarmatian presence in the north ponthic area west of
Don is given by the decree to honour Diophantes from Chersonesus, completed by Strabo's accounts.
The occupation and effective settling in this area took place only from the 2nd century
ВС.
By the end
of the 1st century
ВС
the Sarmatians occupied the entire territory between Don and Dnieper. During the same
century they entered the area west of Bug, which they definitively occupied by the end of the 1st century
ВС
and the beginning of the 1st century AD.
Early Sarmatian culture of the north ponthic area began in the 2nd century
ВС
and the end in the 1st
century
ВС.
Sarmatian occupation of the north ponthic region beginning with the 2nd century
ВС
is not
accidental, but rather correlated with events that unfold in Eurasia steppes in the 2nd century
ВС.
Within the two chronological frames the Sarmatians occupied the entire territory between Don and
Dnieper, where early Sarmatian culture formed in the north of the Black Sea. The culture's superior
chronological limit endures until the 1st century BQ as onto the entire territory that the Sarmatians inhabited.
In the 1st century
ВС
the Sarmatians took part in Mmridates VI Eupator war against the Romans,
supporting the first Their involvement in the war is archaeologically confirmed by a series of hoards and deposits
found on the entire area between Pruth and the
pre
mountain region of the Caucasus, belonging to Sarmatian
knights. By the end of the 1st century
ВС
the first conflict between the Sarmatians and the Romans is attested
as they attacked Roman possessions, while at the beginning of the 1st century AD they are a stable presence at
the Lower Danube.
***
The analysed burials spread on a vast territory comprised, with two exceptions, between Dnieper and
Don and are predominantly burials in tumuli of earlier epochs, the graves are mainly north oriented and
several contain bone remains subsequent animal offerings.
The archaeological material within Sarmatian vestiges consists of handmade or wheelmade pottery,
silver and bronze vessels, tools, jewellery and garment objects, beauty objects, weaponry and harness pieces.
All these categories of artefacts define practiced occupations and crafts, the level of economical development
and the commercial relations with other populations in closer or farther neighbouring territories. Several
categories reflect also fashion and jewellery preferences of both commoners and the aristocracy.
***
249
Likewise -within the area east of Don, north ponthic Sarmatians extensively bred cattle and led a
nomad life. Bone vestiges indicate they raised especially horses and sheep. The situation is explained by the
fact that such animals dealt better with frequent change of location without losing weight or vitality. Further
more, horses are capable to gather food from beneath the snow by scratching and cutting with their hoofs.
Herds' constituents correspond in fact with the mobile character of the nomad life, when the entire
population displaced alongside the herds, while stopping for only winter.
Regarding the sedentariness, it must be said that the phenomenon cannot be observed in the last
centuries
ВС
for both the area north of the Black Sea west and east of Don. Nevertheless, it cannot be
excluded that a small number of the Sarmatians dealt with the agriculture, as Strabo also confirms.
Beside the main occupation, within the Sarmatian culture of the analysed period and area, traditional
crafts occupied a well established place, likewise within the entire Sarmatian world, specific to a nomad society of
animal breeders: weapons manufacture, leather processing etc. Loom weights discoveries within women burials
are indicative for household crafts, like spinning and weaving. Confidently, Sarmatian women overspread fek,
embroidered, knitted, made garments and processed leather and other animal products, though no vestiges as
such were preserved. Bone and wood processing may be added. Handmade pottery and smokers manufacture
constitute another practiced craft and jugging from their quality, they were household products. A well-developed
pottery craft can be hardly presupposed considering the nomad type of the Sarmatian life. Amongst practiced
crafts counted also -wood and leather vessels manufacturing, whose remains did not usually preserve within
burials. Starbo also mentions the hunting. Based on archaeological data it can be generally concluded that within
the Sarmatian society crafts had an auxiliary character and their development level was determined by the
traditional necessities of the nomad type of life.
The general overview of their economic life must be completed with the commercial aspect, well
individualised for bom the analysed period and area, as well the entire Sarmatian world mrough materials
discovered within burials, hoards and deposits. The materials are edificatory for both the economical and social
position of me bearers, as well as for a better chronological frame.
The burials funerary inventory, but also me hoards and deposits inventories analysed specify that
commercial activities occupied a special place in Sarmatians economic life. Beside proper products, such activities
influenced the culture and integrated the Sarmatians in the material and spiritual values circuit
Once settled in the north ponthic area, the Sarmatians would enter in contact with the Greek cities and
develop most active trade relations. They furnished the Sarmatians with grain, wine, ofl, honey, wheelmade
pottery, garment pieces, jewellery, luxury products, beauty objects etc. Exported Sarmatian products in ancient
centres
consisted mainly of animal products and slaves. The Greek cities and Regnum Bospori were the principal
intermediaries of the Sarmatian trade with centres in Asia Minor,
wherefřom
the Sarmatians received various
products. Through Regnum Bospori, via Asia Minor, a series of Italian products reached the early Sarmatians.
Nevertheless, the Greek cities were not the only trade partners. Sarmatian mobility allowed the establishment of
trade relations with other populations from the northeast, northwest and north of the Black Sea (Meotians,
Scythians, the bearers of the Zambineck cullture, the Geto-Dacians etc.), wherefrom they imported various
categories of artifacts (brooches, pottery etc.). Finally, trade relations between the Sarmatian from the north
ponthic area west of Don and Sarmatians settled east of Don and Volga and also the Kuban region must be
mentioned.
The nomad type of life also predetermined food and household objects. There are few archaeological
vestiges of the Sarmatian "menu" (except for the bones within burials), along their entire existence, yet we would
not be mistaken to believe mat their alimentation was primarily based on meat Most frequently, they ate sheep
meat, but horsemeat too. Diary products (milk, cheese, cumisul) were popular as well. Trade relations and the
tribute ensured grain, vegetables, oil, wine necessities etc.
***
Today, it is ascertained, based on written sources and archaeological data that the Sarmatians inhabited
the north ponthic territory west of Don only from the 2'd century
ВС.
Furthermore, consequent analysis of
early Sarmatian vestiges in the discussed temtory observed the lack of complexes that would firmly date from
earlier the 2nd century
ВС.
"When evaluating archaeological and literary sources it can be concluded that during
the 2nd and 1st centuries
ВС,
the Roxolanes and Iazyges Sarmatians inhabited the north ponthic area. Last but
not least, we it must point out that the early Sarmatian period from north of the Black Sea set the foundations
for the European Sarmatia representing a long and complex process rather than a rapid development.
Translated by
Gabriela
Safta
250 |
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| author | Bârcă, Vitalie |
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| discipline | Geschichte |
| discipline_str_mv | Geschichte |
| era | Geschichte 200 v. Chr. -1 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 200 v. Chr. -1 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Schwarzmeerküste Nord (DE-588)4236602-1 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Schwarzmeerküste Nord |
| id | DE-604.BV022658220 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T18:24:11Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:02:46Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9731090126 9789731090122 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015864116 |
| oclc_num | 219795777 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-188 DE-20 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-188 DE-20 |
| physical | 392 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Argonaut |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis |
| series2 | Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis |
| spelling | Bârcă, Vitalie Verfasser (DE-588)1186648422 aut Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) Vitalie Bârcă Nomads of steppes Cluj-Napoca Argonaut 2006 392 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis 4 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 200 v. Chr. -1 gnd rswk-swf Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 gnd rswk-swf Schwarzmeerküste Nord (DE-588)4236602-1 gnd rswk-swf Schwarzmeerküste Nord (DE-588)4236602-1 g Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 s Geschichte 200 v. Chr. -1 z DE-604 Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis 4 (DE-604)BV022658201 4 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015864116&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015864116&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Bârcă, Vitalie Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) Biblioteca Ephemeris Napocensis Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4105355-2 (DE-588)4236602-1 |
| title | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) |
| title_alt | Nomads of steppes |
| title_auth | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) |
| title_exact_search | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) |
| title_full | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) Vitalie Bârcă |
| title_fullStr | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) Vitalie Bârcă |
| title_full_unstemmed | Nomazi ai stepelor sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) Vitalie Bârcă |
| title_short | Nomazi ai stepelor |
| title_sort | nomazi ai stepelor sarmatii timpurii in spatiul nord pontic sec ii i a chr nomads of steppes the early sarmatians in the north pontic region 2nd 1st c bc |
| title_sub | sarmaţii timpurii în spaţiul nord-pontic (sec. II - I a. Chr.) = Nomads of steppes : the early sarmatians in the North-Pontic region (2nd - 1st C. BC) |
| topic | Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Sarmaten Schwarzmeerküste Nord |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015864116&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015864116&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV022658201 |
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