A smarter approach to the yuan
The best law schools and public policy graduate schools inculcate in their students an ability to make the strongest possible case in favor of a position or policy with which they disagree. The test of whether the lesson has been truly learned is whether those who favor the position would accept its...
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description | The best law schools and public policy graduate schools inculcate in their students an ability to make the strongest possible case in favor of a position or policy with which they disagree. The test of whether the lesson has been truly learned is whether those who favor the position would accept its rendition as a fair and effective representation of why they favor it. With this in mind, I present below the argument for the U.S. stance favoring a substantial rise in the undervalued Chinese yuan. The U.S. position has been repeatedly stated, albeit in abbreviated and nuanced form, by President Obama and Treasury Secretary Geithner. It is also reflected in the large bipartisan majority in the House of Representatives that approved legislation to allow a retaliatory tariff on China's exports to the U.S. unless China revalues its currency. It has been expressed more vociferously and combatively by key leaders in the Senate, and by politically-charged commentators including Paul Krugman. Once the case for this "pro" position has been presented fairly and fully, I will explain why I think it is fundamentally wrong. I will then go on to suggest measures that would be more appropriate and effective in contributing to a "rebalancing" of China's international accounts as well as those of the U.S. than would a revaluation of the Chinese yuan. In early January, when President Hu Jintao met in Washington, D. C, with President Obama, the agenda for the meeting deftly acknowledged the presidents' disagreement on the currency issue without discussing, let alone resolving, it. Adapted from the source document. |
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The test of whether the lesson has been truly learned is whether those who favor the position would accept its rendition as a fair and effective representation of why they favor it. With this in mind, I present below the argument for the U.S. stance favoring a substantial rise in the undervalued Chinese yuan. The U.S. position has been repeatedly stated, albeit in abbreviated and nuanced form, by President Obama and Treasury Secretary Geithner. It is also reflected in the large bipartisan majority in the House of Representatives that approved legislation to allow a retaliatory tariff on China's exports to the U.S. unless China revalues its currency. It has been expressed more vociferously and combatively by key leaders in the Senate, and by politically-charged commentators including Paul Krugman. Once the case for this "pro" position has been presented fairly and fully, I will explain why I think it is fundamentally wrong. I will then go on to suggest measures that would be more appropriate and effective in contributing to a "rebalancing" of China's international accounts as well as those of the U.S. than would a revaluation of the Chinese yuan. In early January, when President Hu Jintao met in Washington, D. C, with President Obama, the agenda for the meeting deftly acknowledged the presidents' disagreement on the currency issue without discussing, let alone resolving, it. 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The test of whether the lesson has been truly learned is whether those who favor the position would accept its rendition as a fair and effective representation of why they favor it. With this in mind, I present below the argument for the U.S. stance favoring a substantial rise in the undervalued Chinese yuan. The U.S. position has been repeatedly stated, albeit in abbreviated and nuanced form, by President Obama and Treasury Secretary Geithner. It is also reflected in the large bipartisan majority in the House of Representatives that approved legislation to allow a retaliatory tariff on China's exports to the U.S. unless China revalues its currency. It has been expressed more vociferously and combatively by key leaders in the Senate, and by politically-charged commentators including Paul Krugman. Once the case for this "pro" position has been presented fairly and fully, I will explain why I think it is fundamentally wrong. I will then go on to suggest measures that would be more appropriate and effective in contributing to a "rebalancing" of China's international accounts as well as those of the U.S. than would a revaluation of the Chinese yuan. In early January, when President Hu Jintao met in Washington, D. C, with President Obama, the agenda for the meeting deftly acknowledged the presidents' disagreement on the currency issue without discussing, let alone resolving, it. 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D.C.)</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Wolf, Charles, Jr</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>A smarter approach to the yuan</atitle><jtitle>Policy review (Washington, D.C.)</jtitle><addtitle>Policy Review</addtitle><date>2011-04-01</date><risdate>2011</risdate><issue>166</issue><spage>29</spage><pages>29-</pages><issn>0146-5945</issn><eissn>2169-6802</eissn><coden>POREDP</coden><abstract>The best law schools and public policy graduate schools inculcate in their students an ability to make the strongest possible case in favor of a position or policy with which they disagree. The test of whether the lesson has been truly learned is whether those who favor the position would accept its rendition as a fair and effective representation of why they favor it. With this in mind, I present below the argument for the U.S. stance favoring a substantial rise in the undervalued Chinese yuan. The U.S. position has been repeatedly stated, albeit in abbreviated and nuanced form, by President Obama and Treasury Secretary Geithner. It is also reflected in the large bipartisan majority in the House of Representatives that approved legislation to allow a retaliatory tariff on China's exports to the U.S. unless China revalues its currency. It has been expressed more vociferously and combatively by key leaders in the Senate, and by politically-charged commentators including Paul Krugman. Once the case for this "pro" position has been presented fairly and fully, I will explain why I think it is fundamentally wrong. I will then go on to suggest measures that would be more appropriate and effective in contributing to a "rebalancing" of China's international accounts as well as those of the U.S. than would a revaluation of the Chinese yuan. In early January, when President Hu Jintao met in Washington, D. C, with President Obama, the agenda for the meeting deftly acknowledged the presidents' disagreement on the currency issue without discussing, let alone resolving, it. Adapted from the source document.</abstract><cop>Washington</cop><pub>Hoover Institution Press</pub><tpages>11</tpages></addata></record> |
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source | Business Source Complete (BSC) 商管财经类全文数据库(完整版); PAIS Index; Worldwide Political Science Abstracts; Education Source; Political Science Complete (EBSCOhost); Alma/SFX Local Collection |
subjects | American dollar Analysis China (People's Republic) Company business management Cost control Currency in circulation Currency transactions Demography Developed Nations Developing countries Economic aspects Economic conditions Exports Families & family life Foreign exchange Foreign exchange markets Foreign exchange rates Geithner, Timothy Franz Graduate Schools Hu, Jintao Industrialized nations Interest rates International trade LDCs Legislative Bodies Management Monetary policy Money Obama, Barack Peoples Republic of China Political aspects Presidents Public Policy Public Schools Purchasing power parity Renminbi Renminbi (China) Representation Reserve requirements Students Trade deficit Trade surplus Trends United States Congress Yuan (China) |
title | A smarter approach to the yuan |
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