Allomorphy in Optimality Theory: Polish Iotation
This article discusses iotation, a process that has been analyzed in generative phonology as a palatalization rule. We argue that optimality theory predicts the treatment of this process in terms of allomorphy, which in fact is desirable for a synchronic analysis. The consequence is that, with regar...
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Veröffentlicht in: | Language (Baltimore) 2001-03, Vol.77 (1), p.26-60 |
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description | This article discusses iotation, a process that has been analyzed in generative phonology as a palatalization rule. We argue that optimality theory predicts the treatment of this process in terms of allomorphy, which in fact is desirable for a synchronic analysis. The consequence is that, with regard to iotation effects, the task of phonology is to account for the distribution of allomorphs rather than to derive them from a single underlying representation. While, as a result of diachronic changes, the allomorphs are arbitrary, their distribution is not. It follows from the interaction of universal phonological and morphological constraints, and from the considerations of segment markedness. |
doi_str_mv | 10.1353/lan.2001.0038 |
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We argue that optimality theory predicts the treatment of this process in terms of allomorphy, which in fact is desirable for a synchronic analysis. The consequence is that, with regard to iotation effects, the task of phonology is to account for the distribution of allomorphs rather than to derive them from a single underlying representation. While, as a result of diachronic changes, the allomorphs are arbitrary, their distribution is not. 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We argue that optimality theory predicts the treatment of this process in terms of allomorphy, which in fact is desirable for a synchronic analysis. The consequence is that, with regard to iotation effects, the task of phonology is to account for the distribution of allomorphs rather than to derive them from a single underlying representation. While, as a result of diachronic changes, the allomorphs are arbitrary, their distribution is not. It follows from the interaction of universal phonological and morphological constraints, and from the considerations of segment markedness.</abstract><cop>Washington, DC</cop><pub>Linguistic Society of America</pub><doi>10.1353/lan.2001.0038</doi><tpages>35</tpages></addata></record> |
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subjects | Allomorphs Consonants Descriptive studies and applied theories Language Linguistic theory Linguistics Morphemes Morphology Nouns Optimality theory Phonetics Poland Polish language Slavic languages Syllables Syntax Verbalization Verbs Vowels Words |
title | Allomorphy in Optimality Theory: Polish Iotation |
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