No Matter How We Asked Them, They Convinced Us That They Suffer
Ethnographers' accounts of the same rural-peasant community have sometimes prompted contradictory impressions; Redfield's and Lewis's practically opposite characterizations of Tepoztlán, Mexico, is a good case in point. It is essential that overall appraisals of the quality of life in...
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description | Ethnographers' accounts of the same rural-peasant community have sometimes prompted contradictory impressions; Redfield's and Lewis's practically opposite characterizations of Tepoztlán, Mexico, is a good case in point. It is essential that overall appraisals of the quality of life in rural communities be accurate, otherwise agents for social change might base their programs upon an ethnographer's false premises. Some critics of ethnographic methodology have proposed that an ethnographer's overall impression of his field site is a logical extension of the kinds of questions he asked; for example, if mostly positive aspects of local life are elicited, then the ethnographer's overall impression will likely be positive, and vice-versa. This proposition was tested in a small, rural-Mexican community by means of a query which elicited dialectically opposed life viewpoints. The resulting data indicate that regardless of whether "positive" or "negative" life aspects are elicited, the overall ethnographic impression will be appropriately negative. Had the researchers not surveyed a representative sample of the community's population and instead concentrated upon male informants and informants from affluent households, an erroneous, positive overall impression might have been obtained. The elicitation of opposed life viewpoints also enabled a quick pinpointing of the informants' most urgent problems, those life aspects which change agents should first concentrate upon. Des exposés d'ethnographes sur la même communauté rurale paysanne ont quelques fois suggéré des impressions contradictoires; les caractérisations pratiquement opposées de Tepoztlan, Mexique, de Redfield et Lewis en sont un bon exemple. Il est indispensable que les évaluations d'ensemble sur la qualité de la vie dans les communautés rurales soient justes; dans le cas contraire les agents du changement social peuvent baser leurs programmes sur les fausses prémisses d'un ethnographe. Quelques critiques des méthodes ethnographiques ont proposé que l'impression d'ensemble d'un ethnographe au sujet du terrain recherché est une extension logique des types de questions qu'il a posées; par exemple, si on met à jour essentiellement des aspects positifs de la vie locale, alors l'impression d'ensemble de l'ethnographe sera probablement positive et vice versa. Cette proposition a été mise à l'épreuve dans une petite communauté rurale mexicaine par le moyen d'une question qui a mis à jour des points de vue de vie |
doi_str_mv | 10.17730/humo.37.4.202274nw25723921 |
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It is essential that overall appraisals of the quality of life in rural communities be accurate, otherwise agents for social change might base their programs upon an ethnographer's false premises. Some critics of ethnographic methodology have proposed that an ethnographer's overall impression of his field site is a logical extension of the kinds of questions he asked; for example, if mostly positive aspects of local life are elicited, then the ethnographer's overall impression will likely be positive, and vice-versa. This proposition was tested in a small, rural-Mexican community by means of a query which elicited dialectically opposed life viewpoints. The resulting data indicate that regardless of whether "positive" or "negative" life aspects are elicited, the overall ethnographic impression will be appropriately negative. Had the researchers not surveyed a representative sample of the community's population and instead concentrated upon male informants and informants from affluent households, an erroneous, positive overall impression might have been obtained. The elicitation of opposed life viewpoints also enabled a quick pinpointing of the informants' most urgent problems, those life aspects which change agents should first concentrate upon. Des exposés d'ethnographes sur la même communauté rurale paysanne ont quelques fois suggéré des impressions contradictoires; les caractérisations pratiquement opposées de Tepoztlan, Mexique, de Redfield et Lewis en sont un bon exemple. Il est indispensable que les évaluations d'ensemble sur la qualité de la vie dans les communautés rurales soient justes; dans le cas contraire les agents du changement social peuvent baser leurs programmes sur les fausses prémisses d'un ethnographe. Quelques critiques des méthodes ethnographiques ont proposé que l'impression d'ensemble d'un ethnographe au sujet du terrain recherché est une extension logique des types de questions qu'il a posées; par exemple, si on met à jour essentiellement des aspects positifs de la vie locale, alors l'impression d'ensemble de l'ethnographe sera probablement positive et vice versa. Cette proposition a été mise à l'épreuve dans une petite communauté rurale mexicaine par le moyen d'une question qui a mis à jour des points de vue de vie dialectiquement opposés. Les données obtenues indiquent que l'impression ethnographique d'ensemble sera convenablement negative, sans regarder si les aspects de la vie qu'on met à jour sont "positifs" ou "négatifs." Si les chercheurs n'avaient pas étudié un échantillon type de la population de la communauté et au lieu de cela s'étaient concentrés sur les informateurs hommes et sur les informateurs des ménages riches, on aurait pu obtenir une impression d'ensemble positive fausse. La découverte des points de vue opposés de vie a permis de faire ressortir rapidement les problèmes les plus urgents des informateurs, ces aspects de la vie sur lesquels les agents de changement doivent se concentrer d'abord. Informes etnográficos sobre la misma comunidad rural campesina han sugerido a veces impresiones contradictorias; un buen ejemplo al caso es la forma prácticamente opuesta en que Redfield y Lewis caracterizaron a Tepoztlán en México. Es indispensable que las evaluaciones de conjunto sobre la calidad de la vida en las comunidades rurales sean exactas, porque de otra forma los agentes de cambio social pueden basar sus programas en las premisas falsas de un etnógrafo. Algunos críticos de los métodos etnográficos han propuesto que la impresión de conjunto de un etnógrafo sobre su lugar de trabajo es una extensión lógica de los tipos de preguntas que hizo; por ejemplo, si se descubren más que todo aspectos positivos de la vida local, entonces la impresión de conjunto del etnógrafo será muy posiblement positiva y vice versa. Esta proposición se comprobó en una pequeña comunidad rural mexicana por medio de una encuesta que sacó a la luz puntos de vista sobre la vida dialécticamente opuestos. En este caso los datos obtenidos indican que, no teniendo en cuenta si se descubren aspectos "negativos" o "positivos" sobre la vida, la impresión etnográfica de conjunto será propiamente negativa. Si los investigadores no hubieran interrogado a una muestra representativa de la población en la comunidad y se hubieran concentrado sólo en informantes de sexo masculino o informantes de familias opulentas, se hubiera podido obtener una impresión de conjunto positiva y errónea. El haber obtenido puntos de vista opuestos sobre la vida también ayudó a determinar rápidamente los problemas más urgentes de los informantes, aquellos aspectos de la vida en los que se deben concentrar primeramente los agentes de cambio.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0018-7259</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1938-3525</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.17730/humo.37.4.202274nw25723921</identifier><identifier>CODEN: HUORAY</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Washington, D.C: The Society for Applied Anthropology</publisher><subject>Amusement ; Communities ; Community/Communities/Communitarian ; Contradict/Contradicts/Contradiction/ Contradictions/ Contradictory ; Ethnography ; Ethnography/Ethnographic/Ethnographical ; Homes ; Households ; Impression/Impressions ; Men ; Mexico/Mexican/Mexicans ; Peasant class ; Potable water ; Poverty ; Rural (see also Ru/Ur) ; Towns</subject><ispartof>Human organization, 1978-12, Vol.37 (4), p.378-383</ispartof><rights>Copyright © 1979 Society for Applied Anthropology</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed><citedby>FETCH-LOGICAL-c276t-9445b8726e37ff96fd7d1081851fb78cd336dc19c8a02e44a1951154858a08923</citedby><cites>FETCH-LOGICAL-c276t-9445b8726e37ff96fd7d1081851fb78cd336dc19c8a02e44a1951154858a08923</cites></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><linktopdf>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/44126327$$EPDF$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktopdf><linktohtml>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/44126327$$EHTML$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktohtml><link.rule.ids>314,778,782,801,27858,27913,27914,33764,58006,58239</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>McGOODWIN, JAMES R.</creatorcontrib><title>No Matter How We Asked Them, They Convinced Us That They Suffer</title><title>Human organization</title><description>Ethnographers' accounts of the same rural-peasant community have sometimes prompted contradictory impressions; Redfield's and Lewis's practically opposite characterizations of Tepoztlán, Mexico, is a good case in point. It is essential that overall appraisals of the quality of life in rural communities be accurate, otherwise agents for social change might base their programs upon an ethnographer's false premises. Some critics of ethnographic methodology have proposed that an ethnographer's overall impression of his field site is a logical extension of the kinds of questions he asked; for example, if mostly positive aspects of local life are elicited, then the ethnographer's overall impression will likely be positive, and vice-versa. This proposition was tested in a small, rural-Mexican community by means of a query which elicited dialectically opposed life viewpoints. The resulting data indicate that regardless of whether "positive" or "negative" life aspects are elicited, the overall ethnographic impression will be appropriately negative. Had the researchers not surveyed a representative sample of the community's population and instead concentrated upon male informants and informants from affluent households, an erroneous, positive overall impression might have been obtained. The elicitation of opposed life viewpoints also enabled a quick pinpointing of the informants' most urgent problems, those life aspects which change agents should first concentrate upon. Des exposés d'ethnographes sur la même communauté rurale paysanne ont quelques fois suggéré des impressions contradictoires; les caractérisations pratiquement opposées de Tepoztlan, Mexique, de Redfield et Lewis en sont un bon exemple. Il est indispensable que les évaluations d'ensemble sur la qualité de la vie dans les communautés rurales soient justes; dans le cas contraire les agents du changement social peuvent baser leurs programmes sur les fausses prémisses d'un ethnographe. Quelques critiques des méthodes ethnographiques ont proposé que l'impression d'ensemble d'un ethnographe au sujet du terrain recherché est une extension logique des types de questions qu'il a posées; par exemple, si on met à jour essentiellement des aspects positifs de la vie locale, alors l'impression d'ensemble de l'ethnographe sera probablement positive et vice versa. Cette proposition a été mise à l'épreuve dans une petite communauté rurale mexicaine par le moyen d'une question qui a mis à jour des points de vue de vie dialectiquement opposés. Les données obtenues indiquent que l'impression ethnographique d'ensemble sera convenablement negative, sans regarder si les aspects de la vie qu'on met à jour sont "positifs" ou "négatifs." Si les chercheurs n'avaient pas étudié un échantillon type de la population de la communauté et au lieu de cela s'étaient concentrés sur les informateurs hommes et sur les informateurs des ménages riches, on aurait pu obtenir une impression d'ensemble positive fausse. La découverte des points de vue opposés de vie a permis de faire ressortir rapidement les problèmes les plus urgents des informateurs, ces aspects de la vie sur lesquels les agents de changement doivent se concentrer d'abord. Informes etnográficos sobre la misma comunidad rural campesina han sugerido a veces impresiones contradictorias; un buen ejemplo al caso es la forma prácticamente opuesta en que Redfield y Lewis caracterizaron a Tepoztlán en México. Es indispensable que las evaluaciones de conjunto sobre la calidad de la vida en las comunidades rurales sean exactas, porque de otra forma los agentes de cambio social pueden basar sus programas en las premisas falsas de un etnógrafo. Algunos críticos de los métodos etnográficos han propuesto que la impresión de conjunto de un etnógrafo sobre su lugar de trabajo es una extensión lógica de los tipos de preguntas que hizo; por ejemplo, si se descubren más que todo aspectos positivos de la vida local, entonces la impresión de conjunto del etnógrafo será muy posiblement positiva y vice versa. Esta proposición se comprobó en una pequeña comunidad rural mexicana por medio de una encuesta que sacó a la luz puntos de vista sobre la vida dialécticamente opuestos. En este caso los datos obtenidos indican que, no teniendo en cuenta si se descubren aspectos "negativos" o "positivos" sobre la vida, la impresión etnográfica de conjunto será propiamente negativa. Si los investigadores no hubieran interrogado a una muestra representativa de la población en la comunidad y se hubieran concentrado sólo en informantes de sexo masculino o informantes de familias opulentas, se hubiera podido obtener una impresión de conjunto positiva y errónea. El haber obtenido puntos de vista opuestos sobre la vida también ayudó a determinar rápidamente los problemas más urgentes de los informantes, aquellos aspectos de la vida en los que se deben concentrar primeramente los agentes de cambio.</description><subject>Amusement</subject><subject>Communities</subject><subject>Community/Communities/Communitarian</subject><subject>Contradict/Contradicts/Contradiction/ Contradictions/ Contradictory</subject><subject>Ethnography</subject><subject>Ethnography/Ethnographic/Ethnographical</subject><subject>Homes</subject><subject>Households</subject><subject>Impression/Impressions</subject><subject>Men</subject><subject>Mexico/Mexican/Mexicans</subject><subject>Peasant class</subject><subject>Potable water</subject><subject>Poverty</subject><subject>Rural (see also Ru/Ur)</subject><subject>Towns</subject><issn>0018-7259</issn><issn>1938-3525</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>1978</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>HYQOX</sourceid><sourceid>K30</sourceid><sourceid>BHHNA</sourceid><recordid>eNpdkE1LAzEQhoMoWKs_QVgoeHLXTD42CR5Eilqh6sEWj2G7m9DW7qYmu5b-e1MrHnqZgYf3HYYHoQHgDISg-Gbe1S6jImMZwYQI1mwIF4QqAkeoB4rKlHLCj1EPY5CpIFydorMQlhhjFkkP3b265KVoW-OTkdskHya5D5-mSiZzU1_v5jYZuuZ70ZQRTkMkRbvH7521xp-jE1usgrn42300fXyYDEfp-O3peXg_Tksi8jZVjPGZFCQ3VFircluJCrAEycHOhCwrSvOqBFXKAhPDWAGKA3AmeQRSEdpHV_u7a---OhNaXS9CaVarojGuCzrHuZQ8OumjwUFw6TrfxN80UMBECQE4pm73qdK7ELyxeu0XdeG3GrD-Vat3ajUVmulDtbF9uW8vQ-v8f5UxIDklgv4AutZ0lw</recordid><startdate>19781201</startdate><enddate>19781201</enddate><creator>McGOODWIN, JAMES R.</creator><general>The Society for Applied Anthropology</general><general>Society for Applied Anthropology</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>ADABO</scope><scope>BEAJS</scope><scope>HAWNG</scope><scope>HBMBR</scope><scope>HYQOX</scope><scope>JILTI</scope><scope>K30</scope><scope>PAAUG</scope><scope>PAWHS</scope><scope>PAWZZ</scope><scope>PAXOH</scope><scope>PBHAV</scope><scope>PBQSW</scope><scope>PBYQZ</scope><scope>PCIWU</scope><scope>PCMID</scope><scope>PCZJX</scope><scope>PDGRG</scope><scope>PDPSG</scope><scope>PDWWI</scope><scope>PETMR</scope><scope>PEXHY</scope><scope>PFVGT</scope><scope>PGXDX</scope><scope>PIHIL</scope><scope>PISVA</scope><scope>PJCTQ</scope><scope>PJTMS</scope><scope>PLCHJ</scope><scope>PMHAD</scope><scope>PNQDJ</scope><scope>POUND</scope><scope>PPLAD</scope><scope>PQAPC</scope><scope>PQCAN</scope><scope>PQCMW</scope><scope>PQEME</scope><scope>PQHKH</scope><scope>PQMID</scope><scope>PQNCT</scope><scope>PQNET</scope><scope>PQSCT</scope><scope>PQSET</scope><scope>PSVJG</scope><scope>PVMQY</scope><scope>PZGFC</scope><scope>SAAPM</scope><scope>~P9</scope><scope>7U4</scope><scope>BHHNA</scope><scope>DWI</scope><scope>WZK</scope></search><sort><creationdate>19781201</creationdate><title>No Matter How We Asked Them, They Convinced Us That They Suffer</title><author>McGOODWIN, JAMES R.</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c276t-9445b8726e37ff96fd7d1081851fb78cd336dc19c8a02e44a1951154858a08923</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>1978</creationdate><topic>Amusement</topic><topic>Communities</topic><topic>Community/Communities/Communitarian</topic><topic>Contradict/Contradicts/Contradiction/ Contradictions/ Contradictory</topic><topic>Ethnography</topic><topic>Ethnography/Ethnographic/Ethnographical</topic><topic>Homes</topic><topic>Households</topic><topic>Impression/Impressions</topic><topic>Men</topic><topic>Mexico/Mexican/Mexicans</topic><topic>Peasant class</topic><topic>Potable water</topic><topic>Poverty</topic><topic>Rural (see also Ru/Ur)</topic><topic>Towns</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>McGOODWIN, JAMES R.</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>Periodicals Archive Online Foundation Collection 3 (2022)</collection><collection>Periodicals Archive Online Foundation Collection 3</collection><collection>Periodicals Index Online Segment 13</collection><collection>Periodicals Index Online Segment 14</collection><collection>ProQuest Historical Periodicals</collection><collection>Periodicals Index Online Segment 32</collection><collection>Periodicals Index Online</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access—Foundation Edition (Plan E) - 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EMEALA</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access (Plan D) - Northeast</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access & Build (Plan A) - Midwest</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access & Build (Plan A) - North Central</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access & Build (Plan A) - Northeast</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access & Build (Plan A) - South Central</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access & Build (Plan A) - Southeast</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access (Plan D) - UK / I</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access—Foundation Edition (Plan E) - APAC</collection><collection>Primary Sources Access—Foundation Edition (Plan E) - MEA</collection><collection>Periodicals Index Online Segment 42</collection><collection>Periodicals Archive Online Collection 9</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts (pre-2017)</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts (Ovid)</collection><jtitle>Human organization</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>McGOODWIN, JAMES R.</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>No Matter How We Asked Them, They Convinced Us That They Suffer</atitle><jtitle>Human organization</jtitle><date>1978-12-01</date><risdate>1978</risdate><volume>37</volume><issue>4</issue><spage>378</spage><epage>383</epage><pages>378-383</pages><issn>0018-7259</issn><eissn>1938-3525</eissn><coden>HUORAY</coden><abstract>Ethnographers' accounts of the same rural-peasant community have sometimes prompted contradictory impressions; Redfield's and Lewis's practically opposite characterizations of Tepoztlán, Mexico, is a good case in point. It is essential that overall appraisals of the quality of life in rural communities be accurate, otherwise agents for social change might base their programs upon an ethnographer's false premises. Some critics of ethnographic methodology have proposed that an ethnographer's overall impression of his field site is a logical extension of the kinds of questions he asked; for example, if mostly positive aspects of local life are elicited, then the ethnographer's overall impression will likely be positive, and vice-versa. This proposition was tested in a small, rural-Mexican community by means of a query which elicited dialectically opposed life viewpoints. The resulting data indicate that regardless of whether "positive" or "negative" life aspects are elicited, the overall ethnographic impression will be appropriately negative. Had the researchers not surveyed a representative sample of the community's population and instead concentrated upon male informants and informants from affluent households, an erroneous, positive overall impression might have been obtained. The elicitation of opposed life viewpoints also enabled a quick pinpointing of the informants' most urgent problems, those life aspects which change agents should first concentrate upon. Des exposés d'ethnographes sur la même communauté rurale paysanne ont quelques fois suggéré des impressions contradictoires; les caractérisations pratiquement opposées de Tepoztlan, Mexique, de Redfield et Lewis en sont un bon exemple. Il est indispensable que les évaluations d'ensemble sur la qualité de la vie dans les communautés rurales soient justes; dans le cas contraire les agents du changement social peuvent baser leurs programmes sur les fausses prémisses d'un ethnographe. Quelques critiques des méthodes ethnographiques ont proposé que l'impression d'ensemble d'un ethnographe au sujet du terrain recherché est une extension logique des types de questions qu'il a posées; par exemple, si on met à jour essentiellement des aspects positifs de la vie locale, alors l'impression d'ensemble de l'ethnographe sera probablement positive et vice versa. Cette proposition a été mise à l'épreuve dans une petite communauté rurale mexicaine par le moyen d'une question qui a mis à jour des points de vue de vie dialectiquement opposés. Les données obtenues indiquent que l'impression ethnographique d'ensemble sera convenablement negative, sans regarder si les aspects de la vie qu'on met à jour sont "positifs" ou "négatifs." Si les chercheurs n'avaient pas étudié un échantillon type de la population de la communauté et au lieu de cela s'étaient concentrés sur les informateurs hommes et sur les informateurs des ménages riches, on aurait pu obtenir une impression d'ensemble positive fausse. La découverte des points de vue opposés de vie a permis de faire ressortir rapidement les problèmes les plus urgents des informateurs, ces aspects de la vie sur lesquels les agents de changement doivent se concentrer d'abord. Informes etnográficos sobre la misma comunidad rural campesina han sugerido a veces impresiones contradictorias; un buen ejemplo al caso es la forma prácticamente opuesta en que Redfield y Lewis caracterizaron a Tepoztlán en México. Es indispensable que las evaluaciones de conjunto sobre la calidad de la vida en las comunidades rurales sean exactas, porque de otra forma los agentes de cambio social pueden basar sus programas en las premisas falsas de un etnógrafo. Algunos críticos de los métodos etnográficos han propuesto que la impresión de conjunto de un etnógrafo sobre su lugar de trabajo es una extensión lógica de los tipos de preguntas que hizo; por ejemplo, si se descubren más que todo aspectos positivos de la vida local, entonces la impresión de conjunto del etnógrafo será muy posiblement positiva y vice versa. Esta proposición se comprobó en una pequeña comunidad rural mexicana por medio de una encuesta que sacó a la luz puntos de vista sobre la vida dialécticamente opuestos. En este caso los datos obtenidos indican que, no teniendo en cuenta si se descubren aspectos "negativos" o "positivos" sobre la vida, la impresión etnográfica de conjunto será propiamente negativa. Si los investigadores no hubieran interrogado a una muestra representativa de la población en la comunidad y se hubieran concentrado sólo en informantes de sexo masculino o informantes de familias opulentas, se hubiera podido obtener una impresión de conjunto positiva y errónea. El haber obtenido puntos de vista opuestos sobre la vida también ayudó a determinar rápidamente los problemas más urgentes de los informantes, aquellos aspectos de la vida en los que se deben concentrar primeramente los agentes de cambio.</abstract><cop>Washington, D.C</cop><pub>The Society for Applied Anthropology</pub><doi>10.17730/humo.37.4.202274nw25723921</doi><tpages>6</tpages></addata></record> |
fulltext | fulltext |
identifier | ISSN: 0018-7259 |
ispartof | Human organization, 1978-12, Vol.37 (4), p.378-383 |
issn | 0018-7259 1938-3525 |
language | eng |
recordid | cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_60688577 |
source | Sociological Abstracts; Periodicals Index Online; Jstor Complete Legacy |
subjects | Amusement Communities Community/Communities/Communitarian Contradict/Contradicts/Contradiction/ Contradictions/ Contradictory Ethnography Ethnography/Ethnographic/Ethnographical Homes Households Impression/Impressions Men Mexico/Mexican/Mexicans Peasant class Potable water Poverty Rural (see also Ru/Ur) Towns |
title | No Matter How We Asked Them, They Convinced Us That They Suffer |
url | https://sfx.bib-bvb.de/sfx_tum?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&ctx_tim=2025-01-15T09%3A35%3A35IST&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&url_ctx_fmt=infofi/fmt:kev:mtx:ctx&rfr_id=info:sid/primo.exlibrisgroup.com:primo3-Article-jstor_proqu&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.atitle=No%20Matter%20How%20We%20Asked%20Them,%20They%20Convinced%20Us%20That%20They%20Suffer&rft.jtitle=Human%20organization&rft.au=McGOODWIN,%20JAMES%20R.&rft.date=1978-12-01&rft.volume=37&rft.issue=4&rft.spage=378&rft.epage=383&rft.pages=378-383&rft.issn=0018-7259&rft.eissn=1938-3525&rft.coden=HUORAY&rft_id=info:doi/10.17730/humo.37.4.202274nw25723921&rft_dat=%3Cjstor_proqu%3E44126327%3C/jstor_proqu%3E%3Curl%3E%3C/url%3E&disable_directlink=true&sfx.directlink=off&sfx.report_link=0&rft_id=info:oai/&rft_pqid=1310297710&rft_id=info:pmid/&rft_jstor_id=44126327&rfr_iscdi=true |