Hometown Horizons: Local Responses to Canada's Great War
Rutherford is arguing, therefore, that for the majority of Canadians who did not serve in the Canadian Expeditionary Force [CEF] and endure at first hand the horrors of trench warfare, the meanings of World War I - what ordinary people believed, felt, and understood about the cataclysmic events taki...
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description | Rutherford is arguing, therefore, that for the majority of Canadians who did not serve in the Canadian Expeditionary Force [CEF] and endure at first hand the horrors of trench warfare, the meanings of World War I - what ordinary people believed, felt, and understood about the cataclysmic events taking place in Europe - were largely shaped by local circumstances. Canada may have been born on Vimy Ridge. But the birth was announced and its significance was interpreted in Guelph, [Lethbridge], Trois Rivières, and countless other communities, large and small, in articles and speeches, sermons, parades, thanksgiving services, and other forms of social communication. The nature of these interpretations was in turn shaped by the peculiar characteristics of each community: its major industries, class structure, ethnic profile, and so on. [Robert Rutherdale] therefore begins his study with a long detailed chapter, studded with statistical tables, graphs, and maps, establishing the social, economic, and physical parameters of his three chosen "hometowns." However, he then abandons this conventional structural analysis in favour of a largely cultural approach that is concerned with determining the nature and influence of local communications networks, and analysing the role of public rituals and other forms of symbolic action in mediating experience, generating social meaning, and constructing usable pasts. But he is not of course claiming that World War I can only be understood as a manifestation of the local. One of the great virtues of Rutherdale's study is the way in which he ties the micro-historical analysis of local urban cultures to events taking place beyond their parochial boundaries. Rutherdale does not treat his three hometowns as isolated, self-contained communities, but places them within a complex web of "reciprocal linkages" to the state, the "surrounding social world," and "history itself," represented by the war raging in Europe. (271) The boundaries between the national and the local were permeable and fluid. The war may have been experienced and comprehended in local contexts, making use of the social and cultural materials available within limited "hometown horizons." But Rutherdale shows how under conditions of modernity these horizons were constantly shifting and expanding, admitting various influences from the wider world in a continuous process of communicative exchange. He conceptualizes this relationship by drawing upon John Bodnar's well-k |
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Canada may have been born on Vimy Ridge. But the birth was announced and its significance was interpreted in Guelph, [Lethbridge], Trois Rivières, and countless other communities, large and small, in articles and speeches, sermons, parades, thanksgiving services, and other forms of social communication. The nature of these interpretations was in turn shaped by the peculiar characteristics of each community: its major industries, class structure, ethnic profile, and so on. [Robert Rutherdale] therefore begins his study with a long detailed chapter, studded with statistical tables, graphs, and maps, establishing the social, economic, and physical parameters of his three chosen "hometowns." However, he then abandons this conventional structural analysis in favour of a largely cultural approach that is concerned with determining the nature and influence of local communications networks, and analysing the role of public rituals and other forms of symbolic action in mediating experience, generating social meaning, and constructing usable pasts. But he is not of course claiming that World War I can only be understood as a manifestation of the local. One of the great virtues of Rutherdale's study is the way in which he ties the micro-historical analysis of local urban cultures to events taking place beyond their parochial boundaries. Rutherdale does not treat his three hometowns as isolated, self-contained communities, but places them within a complex web of "reciprocal linkages" to the state, the "surrounding social world," and "history itself," represented by the war raging in Europe. (271) The boundaries between the national and the local were permeable and fluid. The war may have been experienced and comprehended in local contexts, making use of the social and cultural materials available within limited "hometown horizons." But Rutherdale shows how under conditions of modernity these horizons were constantly shifting and expanding, admitting various influences from the wider world in a continuous process of communicative exchange. He conceptualizes this relationship by drawing upon John Bodnar's well-known distinction between "vernacular" and "official" culture. The collective identity of Americans, Bodnar argues, has been largely shaped by the more concrete, intimate associations, memories, and allegiances of locality, ethnicity, and class rather than the abstract patriotic values of a homogeneous national culture. Rutherdale identifies a similar dichotomy between vernacular local and official national cultures in early 20th-century Canada. But he also identifies numerous points of contact between them, arguing that the ability of national political élites to impose their interpretations and procedures on the periphery depended on the extent to which messages emanating from the centre intersected with local interests and perspectives. Rutherdale's analysis has also benefited from his engagement with anthropological theories of ritual and symbolic action, associated with such key figures as Clifford Geertz, Catherine Bell, and, above all, Victor Turner. Turner's conceptions of social drama, communitas, and liminality inform Rutherdale's accounts of how cultural practices such as ritualization were deployed to define and valorize social boundaries and hierarchies - between soldiers and civilians, men and women, workers and middleclass élites - and also to transcend and transform them.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0700-3862</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1911-4842</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Committee on Canadian Labour History</publisher><subject>Canada ; Canadian history ; Cultural factors ; Culture ; Economic impact ; Ethnicity ; Local communities ; Military history ; Military personnel ; Nonfiction ; Patriotism ; Reviews/Comptes Rendus ; Rutherdale, Robert ; Sermons ; Social history ; Social impact ; Society ; Sovereignty ; World War I ; World War One</subject><ispartof>Labour (Halifax), 2006, Vol.58 (58), p.245-248</ispartof><rights>Copyright 2006 The Canadian Committee on Labour History</rights><rights>Copyright Canadian Committee on Labour History Fall 2006</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><linktopdf>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/25149725$$EPDF$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktopdf><linktohtml>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/25149725$$EHTML$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktohtml><link.rule.ids>313,776,780,788,799,57992,58225</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Cupido, Robert</creatorcontrib><title>Hometown Horizons: Local Responses to Canada's Great War</title><title>Labour (Halifax)</title><description>Rutherford is arguing, therefore, that for the majority of Canadians who did not serve in the Canadian Expeditionary Force [CEF] and endure at first hand the horrors of trench warfare, the meanings of World War I - what ordinary people believed, felt, and understood about the cataclysmic events taking place in Europe - were largely shaped by local circumstances. Canada may have been born on Vimy Ridge. But the birth was announced and its significance was interpreted in Guelph, [Lethbridge], Trois Rivières, and countless other communities, large and small, in articles and speeches, sermons, parades, thanksgiving services, and other forms of social communication. The nature of these interpretations was in turn shaped by the peculiar characteristics of each community: its major industries, class structure, ethnic profile, and so on. [Robert Rutherdale] therefore begins his study with a long detailed chapter, studded with statistical tables, graphs, and maps, establishing the social, economic, and physical parameters of his three chosen "hometowns." However, he then abandons this conventional structural analysis in favour of a largely cultural approach that is concerned with determining the nature and influence of local communications networks, and analysing the role of public rituals and other forms of symbolic action in mediating experience, generating social meaning, and constructing usable pasts. But he is not of course claiming that World War I can only be understood as a manifestation of the local. One of the great virtues of Rutherdale's study is the way in which he ties the micro-historical analysis of local urban cultures to events taking place beyond their parochial boundaries. Rutherdale does not treat his three hometowns as isolated, self-contained communities, but places them within a complex web of "reciprocal linkages" to the state, the "surrounding social world," and "history itself," represented by the war raging in Europe. (271) The boundaries between the national and the local were permeable and fluid. The war may have been experienced and comprehended in local contexts, making use of the social and cultural materials available within limited "hometown horizons." But Rutherdale shows how under conditions of modernity these horizons were constantly shifting and expanding, admitting various influences from the wider world in a continuous process of communicative exchange. He conceptualizes this relationship by drawing upon John Bodnar's well-known distinction between "vernacular" and "official" culture. The collective identity of Americans, Bodnar argues, has been largely shaped by the more concrete, intimate associations, memories, and allegiances of locality, ethnicity, and class rather than the abstract patriotic values of a homogeneous national culture. Rutherdale identifies a similar dichotomy between vernacular local and official national cultures in early 20th-century Canada. But he also identifies numerous points of contact between them, arguing that the ability of national political élites to impose their interpretations and procedures on the periphery depended on the extent to which messages emanating from the centre intersected with local interests and perspectives. Rutherdale's analysis has also benefited from his engagement with anthropological theories of ritual and symbolic action, associated with such key figures as Clifford Geertz, Catherine Bell, and, above all, Victor Turner. Turner's conceptions of social drama, communitas, and liminality inform Rutherdale's accounts of how cultural practices such as ritualization were deployed to define and valorize social boundaries and hierarchies - between soldiers and civilians, men and women, workers and middleclass élites - and also to transcend and transform them.</description><subject>Canada</subject><subject>Canadian history</subject><subject>Cultural factors</subject><subject>Culture</subject><subject>Economic impact</subject><subject>Ethnicity</subject><subject>Local communities</subject><subject>Military history</subject><subject>Military personnel</subject><subject>Nonfiction</subject><subject>Patriotism</subject><subject>Reviews/Comptes Rendus</subject><subject>Rutherdale, Robert</subject><subject>Sermons</subject><subject>Social history</subject><subject>Social impact</subject><subject>Society</subject><subject>Sovereignty</subject><subject>World War I</subject><subject>World War 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Robert</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>GEN</ristype><atitle>Hometown Horizons: Local Responses to Canada's Great War</atitle><jtitle>Labour (Halifax)</jtitle><date>2006-10-01</date><risdate>2006</risdate><volume>58</volume><issue>58</issue><spage>245</spage><epage>248</epage><pages>245-248</pages><issn>0700-3862</issn><eissn>1911-4842</eissn><abstract>Rutherford is arguing, therefore, that for the majority of Canadians who did not serve in the Canadian Expeditionary Force [CEF] and endure at first hand the horrors of trench warfare, the meanings of World War I - what ordinary people believed, felt, and understood about the cataclysmic events taking place in Europe - were largely shaped by local circumstances. Canada may have been born on Vimy Ridge. But the birth was announced and its significance was interpreted in Guelph, [Lethbridge], Trois Rivières, and countless other communities, large and small, in articles and speeches, sermons, parades, thanksgiving services, and other forms of social communication. The nature of these interpretations was in turn shaped by the peculiar characteristics of each community: its major industries, class structure, ethnic profile, and so on. [Robert Rutherdale] therefore begins his study with a long detailed chapter, studded with statistical tables, graphs, and maps, establishing the social, economic, and physical parameters of his three chosen "hometowns." However, he then abandons this conventional structural analysis in favour of a largely cultural approach that is concerned with determining the nature and influence of local communications networks, and analysing the role of public rituals and other forms of symbolic action in mediating experience, generating social meaning, and constructing usable pasts. But he is not of course claiming that World War I can only be understood as a manifestation of the local. One of the great virtues of Rutherdale's study is the way in which he ties the micro-historical analysis of local urban cultures to events taking place beyond their parochial boundaries. Rutherdale does not treat his three hometowns as isolated, self-contained communities, but places them within a complex web of "reciprocal linkages" to the state, the "surrounding social world," and "history itself," represented by the war raging in Europe. (271) The boundaries between the national and the local were permeable and fluid. The war may have been experienced and comprehended in local contexts, making use of the social and cultural materials available within limited "hometown horizons." But Rutherdale shows how under conditions of modernity these horizons were constantly shifting and expanding, admitting various influences from the wider world in a continuous process of communicative exchange. He conceptualizes this relationship by drawing upon John Bodnar's well-known distinction between "vernacular" and "official" culture. The collective identity of Americans, Bodnar argues, has been largely shaped by the more concrete, intimate associations, memories, and allegiances of locality, ethnicity, and class rather than the abstract patriotic values of a homogeneous national culture. Rutherdale identifies a similar dichotomy between vernacular local and official national cultures in early 20th-century Canada. But he also identifies numerous points of contact between them, arguing that the ability of national political élites to impose their interpretations and procedures on the periphery depended on the extent to which messages emanating from the centre intersected with local interests and perspectives. Rutherdale's analysis has also benefited from his engagement with anthropological theories of ritual and symbolic action, associated with such key figures as Clifford Geertz, Catherine Bell, and, above all, Victor Turner. Turner's conceptions of social drama, communitas, and liminality inform Rutherdale's accounts of how cultural practices such as ritualization were deployed to define and valorize social boundaries and hierarchies - between soldiers and civilians, men and women, workers and middleclass élites - and also to transcend and transform them.</abstract><pub>Committee on Canadian Labour History</pub><tpages>4</tpages></addata></record> |
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subjects | Canada Canadian history Cultural factors Culture Economic impact Ethnicity Local communities Military history Military personnel Nonfiction Patriotism Reviews/Comptes Rendus Rutherdale, Robert Sermons Social history Social impact Society Sovereignty World War I World War One |
title | Hometown Horizons: Local Responses to Canada's Great War |
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