Curse or Cure? Migrant Remittances and Corruption

This article examines the potential for remittances to aggravate or mitigate corruption in recipient states. Unlike previous research that posits unidirectional effects, I emphasize how governments’ and migrants’ incentives interact in the domestic political environment and argue that both outcomes...

Ausführliche Beschreibung

Gespeichert in:
Bibliographische Detailangaben
Veröffentlicht in:The Journal of politics 2014-07, Vol.76 (3), p.814-824
1. Verfasser: Tyburski, Michael D.
Format: Artikel
Sprache:eng
Schlagworte:
Online-Zugang:Volltext
Tags: Tag hinzufügen
Keine Tags, Fügen Sie den ersten Tag hinzu!
container_end_page 824
container_issue 3
container_start_page 814
container_title The Journal of politics
container_volume 76
creator Tyburski, Michael D.
description This article examines the potential for remittances to aggravate or mitigate corruption in recipient states. Unlike previous research that posits unidirectional effects, I emphasize how governments’ and migrants’ incentives interact in the domestic political environment and argue that both outcomes are possible. Aggravating effects are most likely in closed regimes because governments require smaller winning coalitions and may be more likely to view remittances as an opportunity to increase political patronage. Moreover, the costs of political activity are higher for remittance recipients in authoritarian regimes, and their probability of influencing corruption is lower. Mitigating effects are most likely in open regimes. Democratic institutions require larger coalitions while lowering the costs of participation. Since remittances’ effects vary with political institutions, I test whether other less observable characteristics also influence how remittances influence corruption. Empirical analyses of panel data from 127 developing states between 2000 and 2010 generally support both expectations
doi_str_mv 10.1017/S0022381614000279
format Article
fullrecord <record><control><sourceid>jstor_proqu</sourceid><recordid>TN_cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_1700669384</recordid><sourceformat>XML</sourceformat><sourcesystem>PC</sourcesystem><cupid>10_1017_S0022381614000279</cupid><jstor_id>10.1017/s0022381614000279</jstor_id><sourcerecordid>10.1017/s0022381614000279</sourcerecordid><originalsourceid>FETCH-LOGICAL-c543t-3904fe79f357b74fafb0998a87e81d5f5fb0dbc70354ab8666c0d302782c7dd83</originalsourceid><addsrcrecordid>eNqNkE1LxDAQhoMouK7-AG8FL166mzTfJ5HiqrAi-HEuaZquXbZNTdKD_94sXVD8QE8zwzzvzDsDwCmCMwQRnz9CmGVYIIYIjCmXe2CCCBNpRqHYB5NtO932D8GR9-vIQCbJBKB8cN4k1iUxMRfJXbNyqgvJg2mbEFSnjU9UVyW5dW7oQ2O7Y3BQq403J7s4Bc-Lq6f8Jl3eX9_ml8tUU4JDiiUkteGyxpSXnNSqLqGUQgluBKpoTWNdlZpDTIkqBWNMwwpH5yLTvKoEnoLzcW7v7OtgfCjaxmuz2ajO2MEXiMcTmMSC_I1SliEiEEURPfuCru3gunhIpAjGkmPKIoVGSjvrvTN10bumVe6tQLDY_rv49u-omY-aQb80Wq1s74z3H-N_UsxGxdoH6_61Au9sqbZ0TbUyn9z_qnoHjqubNg</addsrcrecordid><sourcetype>Aggregation Database</sourcetype><iscdi>true</iscdi><recordtype>article</recordtype><pqid>1543397356</pqid></control><display><type>article</type><title>Curse or Cure? Migrant Remittances and Corruption</title><source>Jstor Complete Legacy</source><source>Political Science Complete</source><source>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</source><source>Business Source Complete</source><creator>Tyburski, Michael D.</creator><creatorcontrib>Tyburski, Michael D.</creatorcontrib><description>This article examines the potential for remittances to aggravate or mitigate corruption in recipient states. Unlike previous research that posits unidirectional effects, I emphasize how governments’ and migrants’ incentives interact in the domestic political environment and argue that both outcomes are possible. Aggravating effects are most likely in closed regimes because governments require smaller winning coalitions and may be more likely to view remittances as an opportunity to increase political patronage. Moreover, the costs of political activity are higher for remittance recipients in authoritarian regimes, and their probability of influencing corruption is lower. Mitigating effects are most likely in open regimes. Democratic institutions require larger coalitions while lowering the costs of participation. Since remittances’ effects vary with political institutions, I test whether other less observable characteristics also influence how remittances influence corruption. Empirical analyses of panel data from 127 developing states between 2000 and 2010 generally support both expectations</description><identifier>ISSN: 0022-3816</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1468-2508</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.1017/S0022381614000279</identifier><identifier>CODEN: JPOLA3</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>New York, USA: Cambridge University Press</publisher><subject>Authoritarian regimes ; Authoritarianism ; Authoritarianism (Political Ideology) ; Coalitions ; Corruption ; Democracy ; Empirical research ; Expectations ; Government coalitions ; Government corruption ; Gross domestic product ; Incentives ; Migrants ; Natural resources ; Noncitizens ; Participation ; Patronage ; Political corruption ; Political economy ; Political interest groups ; Private goods ; Public goods ; Remittances</subject><ispartof>The Journal of politics, 2014-07, Vol.76 (3), p.814-824</ispartof><rights>Copyright © Southern Political Science Association 2014</rights><rights>Copyright Cambridge University Press Jul 2014</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed><citedby>FETCH-LOGICAL-c543t-3904fe79f357b74fafb0998a87e81d5f5fb0dbc70354ab8666c0d302782c7dd83</citedby><cites>FETCH-LOGICAL-c543t-3904fe79f357b74fafb0998a87e81d5f5fb0dbc70354ab8666c0d302782c7dd83</cites></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><link.rule.ids>314,776,780,799,27901,27902</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Tyburski, Michael D.</creatorcontrib><title>Curse or Cure? Migrant Remittances and Corruption</title><title>The Journal of politics</title><addtitle>J of Pol</addtitle><description>This article examines the potential for remittances to aggravate or mitigate corruption in recipient states. Unlike previous research that posits unidirectional effects, I emphasize how governments’ and migrants’ incentives interact in the domestic political environment and argue that both outcomes are possible. Aggravating effects are most likely in closed regimes because governments require smaller winning coalitions and may be more likely to view remittances as an opportunity to increase political patronage. Moreover, the costs of political activity are higher for remittance recipients in authoritarian regimes, and their probability of influencing corruption is lower. Mitigating effects are most likely in open regimes. Democratic institutions require larger coalitions while lowering the costs of participation. Since remittances’ effects vary with political institutions, I test whether other less observable characteristics also influence how remittances influence corruption. Empirical analyses of panel data from 127 developing states between 2000 and 2010 generally support both expectations</description><subject>Authoritarian regimes</subject><subject>Authoritarianism</subject><subject>Authoritarianism (Political Ideology)</subject><subject>Coalitions</subject><subject>Corruption</subject><subject>Democracy</subject><subject>Empirical research</subject><subject>Expectations</subject><subject>Government coalitions</subject><subject>Government corruption</subject><subject>Gross domestic product</subject><subject>Incentives</subject><subject>Migrants</subject><subject>Natural resources</subject><subject>Noncitizens</subject><subject>Participation</subject><subject>Patronage</subject><subject>Political corruption</subject><subject>Political economy</subject><subject>Political interest groups</subject><subject>Private goods</subject><subject>Public goods</subject><subject>Remittances</subject><issn>0022-3816</issn><issn>1468-2508</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>2014</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>7UB</sourceid><recordid>eNqNkE1LxDAQhoMouK7-AG8FL166mzTfJ5HiqrAi-HEuaZquXbZNTdKD_94sXVD8QE8zwzzvzDsDwCmCMwQRnz9CmGVYIIYIjCmXe2CCCBNpRqHYB5NtO932D8GR9-vIQCbJBKB8cN4k1iUxMRfJXbNyqgvJg2mbEFSnjU9UVyW5dW7oQ2O7Y3BQq403J7s4Bc-Lq6f8Jl3eX9_ml8tUU4JDiiUkteGyxpSXnNSqLqGUQgluBKpoTWNdlZpDTIkqBWNMwwpH5yLTvKoEnoLzcW7v7OtgfCjaxmuz2ajO2MEXiMcTmMSC_I1SliEiEEURPfuCru3gunhIpAjGkmPKIoVGSjvrvTN10bumVe6tQLDY_rv49u-omY-aQb80Wq1s74z3H-N_UsxGxdoH6_61Au9sqbZ0TbUyn9z_qnoHjqubNg</recordid><startdate>20140701</startdate><enddate>20140701</enddate><creator>Tyburski, Michael D.</creator><general>Cambridge University Press</general><general>University of Chicago Press</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>7UB</scope><scope>8BJ</scope><scope>FQK</scope><scope>JBE</scope></search><sort><creationdate>20140701</creationdate><title>Curse or Cure? Migrant Remittances and Corruption</title><author>Tyburski, Michael D.</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c543t-3904fe79f357b74fafb0998a87e81d5f5fb0dbc70354ab8666c0d302782c7dd83</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>2014</creationdate><topic>Authoritarian regimes</topic><topic>Authoritarianism</topic><topic>Authoritarianism (Political Ideology)</topic><topic>Coalitions</topic><topic>Corruption</topic><topic>Democracy</topic><topic>Empirical research</topic><topic>Expectations</topic><topic>Government coalitions</topic><topic>Government corruption</topic><topic>Gross domestic product</topic><topic>Incentives</topic><topic>Migrants</topic><topic>Natural resources</topic><topic>Noncitizens</topic><topic>Participation</topic><topic>Patronage</topic><topic>Political corruption</topic><topic>Political economy</topic><topic>Political interest groups</topic><topic>Private goods</topic><topic>Public goods</topic><topic>Remittances</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Tyburski, Michael D.</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS)</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><jtitle>The Journal of politics</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Tyburski, Michael D.</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>Curse or Cure? Migrant Remittances and Corruption</atitle><jtitle>The Journal of politics</jtitle><addtitle>J of Pol</addtitle><date>2014-07-01</date><risdate>2014</risdate><volume>76</volume><issue>3</issue><spage>814</spage><epage>824</epage><pages>814-824</pages><issn>0022-3816</issn><eissn>1468-2508</eissn><coden>JPOLA3</coden><abstract>This article examines the potential for remittances to aggravate or mitigate corruption in recipient states. Unlike previous research that posits unidirectional effects, I emphasize how governments’ and migrants’ incentives interact in the domestic political environment and argue that both outcomes are possible. Aggravating effects are most likely in closed regimes because governments require smaller winning coalitions and may be more likely to view remittances as an opportunity to increase political patronage. Moreover, the costs of political activity are higher for remittance recipients in authoritarian regimes, and their probability of influencing corruption is lower. Mitigating effects are most likely in open regimes. Democratic institutions require larger coalitions while lowering the costs of participation. Since remittances’ effects vary with political institutions, I test whether other less observable characteristics also influence how remittances influence corruption. Empirical analyses of panel data from 127 developing states between 2000 and 2010 generally support both expectations</abstract><cop>New York, USA</cop><pub>Cambridge University Press</pub><doi>10.1017/S0022381614000279</doi><tpages>11</tpages></addata></record>
fulltext fulltext
identifier ISSN: 0022-3816
ispartof The Journal of politics, 2014-07, Vol.76 (3), p.814-824
issn 0022-3816
1468-2508
language eng
recordid cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_1700669384
source Jstor Complete Legacy; Political Science Complete; Worldwide Political Science Abstracts; Business Source Complete
subjects Authoritarian regimes
Authoritarianism
Authoritarianism (Political Ideology)
Coalitions
Corruption
Democracy
Empirical research
Expectations
Government coalitions
Government corruption
Gross domestic product
Incentives
Migrants
Natural resources
Noncitizens
Participation
Patronage
Political corruption
Political economy
Political interest groups
Private goods
Public goods
Remittances
title Curse or Cure? Migrant Remittances and Corruption
url https://sfx.bib-bvb.de/sfx_tum?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&ctx_tim=2025-01-31T08%3A01%3A36IST&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&url_ctx_fmt=infofi/fmt:kev:mtx:ctx&rfr_id=info:sid/primo.exlibrisgroup.com:primo3-Article-jstor_proqu&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.atitle=Curse%20or%20Cure?%20Migrant%20Remittances%20and%20Corruption&rft.jtitle=The%20Journal%20of%20politics&rft.au=Tyburski,%20Michael%20D.&rft.date=2014-07-01&rft.volume=76&rft.issue=3&rft.spage=814&rft.epage=824&rft.pages=814-824&rft.issn=0022-3816&rft.eissn=1468-2508&rft.coden=JPOLA3&rft_id=info:doi/10.1017/S0022381614000279&rft_dat=%3Cjstor_proqu%3E10.1017/s0022381614000279%3C/jstor_proqu%3E%3Curl%3E%3C/url%3E&disable_directlink=true&sfx.directlink=off&sfx.report_link=0&rft_id=info:oai/&rft_pqid=1543397356&rft_id=info:pmid/&rft_cupid=10_1017_S0022381614000279&rft_jstor_id=10.1017/s0022381614000279&rfr_iscdi=true