Are Poor Voters Indifferent to Whether Elected Leaders Are Criminal or Corrupt? A Vignette Experiment in Rural India
Although in theory elections are supposed to prevent criminal or venal candidates from winning or retaining office, in practice voters frequently elect and reelect such candidates. This surprising pattern is sometimes explained by reference to voters' underlying preferences, which are thought t...
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Veröffentlicht in: | Political communication 2014-07, Vol.31 (3), p.391-407 |
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description | Although in theory elections are supposed to prevent criminal or venal candidates from winning or retaining office, in practice voters frequently elect and reelect such candidates. This surprising pattern is sometimes explained by reference to voters' underlying preferences, which are thought to favor criminal or corrupt candidates because of the patronage they provide. This article tests this hypothesis using 2010 data from the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, where one in four representatives in the state legislature have a serious criminal record and where political corruption is widespread. Contrary to the voter preference hypothesis, voters presented with vignettes that randomly vary the attributes of competing legislative candidates for local, state, and national office become much less likely to express a preference for candidates who are alleged to be criminal or corrupt. Moreover, voters' education status, ethnicity, and political knowledge are unrelated to their distaste for criminal and venal candidates. The results imply that the electoral performance of candidates who face serious allegations likely reflects factors other than voters' preferences for patronage, such as limited information about candidate characteristics or the absence of credible alternative candidates with clean records. |
doi_str_mv | 10.1080/10584609.2014.914615 |
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Contrary to the voter preference hypothesis, voters presented with vignettes that randomly vary the attributes of competing legislative candidates for local, state, and national office become much less likely to express a preference for candidates who are alleged to be criminal or corrupt. Moreover, voters' education status, ethnicity, and political knowledge are unrelated to their distaste for criminal and venal candidates. 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Moreover, voters' education status, ethnicity, and political knowledge are unrelated to their distaste for criminal and venal candidates. 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Contrary to the voter preference hypothesis, voters presented with vignettes that randomly vary the attributes of competing legislative candidates for local, state, and national office become much less likely to express a preference for candidates who are alleged to be criminal or corrupt. Moreover, voters' education status, ethnicity, and political knowledge are unrelated to their distaste for criminal and venal candidates. The results imply that the electoral performance of candidates who face serious allegations likely reflects factors other than voters' preferences for patronage, such as limited information about candidate characteristics or the absence of credible alternative candidates with clean records.</abstract><cop>Washington</cop><pub>Routledge</pub><doi>10.1080/10584609.2014.914615</doi><tpages>17</tpages></addata></record> |
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subjects | Candidates Corruption Corruption in government Elections Electoral College Experiments Hypothesis India Legislative Bodies Offenders Patronage Political Campaigns Political leaders Political science Politicians Rural areas survey experiment Uttar Pradesh Voter behavior Voters voting behavior |
title | Are Poor Voters Indifferent to Whether Elected Leaders Are Criminal or Corrupt? A Vignette Experiment in Rural India |
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