"To Those Who Lost Their Lives": Reading a Labour Landmark in Sydney, Nova Scotia
In Sydney, a city that continues to deal with the social and economic effects of deindustrialization, the Steelworkers' Memorial Monument embodies both the "social memory" of the workplace among former steelworkers, and the "individual memory" of those who personally knew th...
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description | In Sydney, a city that continues to deal with the social and economic effects of deindustrialization, the Steelworkers' Memorial Monument embodies both the "social memory" of the workplace among former steelworkers, and the "individual memory" of those who personally knew the men commemorated on the memorial. Social memory, according to Edward Casey, is held within a network of kinship, community, or common engagement (which can include a common workplace), while individual memory is uniquely personal. When these types of memory are expressed in public space, whether through commemoration, performance, or re-enactment, they become manifestations of "public memory." Sites or performances of public memory influence how the public conceptualizes particular past events. These "multiple remembrances" of a particular event or theme, which can exist among people who may or may not be known to one another, have been termed "collective memory"; there is no need for overlapping experience, Casey writes, "all that matters [for collective memory] is commonality of content."4 One narrative that has emerged since the 1980s is that of unmitigated environmental and medical catastrophe, a "toxic legacy."121 Many people have been hurt by the steel industry in Sydney. The high cancer rates and early mortality among steelworkers and those who lived in the areas surrounding the steel plant are a disastrous consequence of years of toxic pollution. When children are found with high levels of arsenic in their blood, as they were in Sydney in 2001, it is clear that there is a severe problem.122 The narrative of "toxic legacy" is one that Maude Barlow and Elizabeth May reflect in their book, Frederick Street. The authors' speak only in discourses of exploitation when they present the lives of Sydney's steelworkers as "Hobbesian ... nasty, brutish and short," albeit among a people with "indomitable spirits." They assert, "in 1968, the steel plant should have closed ... many lives would have been spared. But this was a steel mill that would not die, even if it killed everything around it."123 This comes perilously close to ignoring, or denying, the agency of workers and their families in their opposition to the planned shutdown of the steel plant. The Steelworkers' Memorial Monument offers a public memory of the steelmaking past that is centred upon the memorialization of the dead, the advances in workplace safety made possible through unionism, and finally, the end of the steel indu |
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Social memory, according to Edward Casey, is held within a network of kinship, community, or common engagement (which can include a common workplace), while individual memory is uniquely personal. When these types of memory are expressed in public space, whether through commemoration, performance, or re-enactment, they become manifestations of "public memory." Sites or performances of public memory influence how the public conceptualizes particular past events. These "multiple remembrances" of a particular event or theme, which can exist among people who may or may not be known to one another, have been termed "collective memory"; there is no need for overlapping experience, Casey writes, "all that matters [for collective memory] is commonality of content."4 One narrative that has emerged since the 1980s is that of unmitigated environmental and medical catastrophe, a "toxic legacy."121 Many people have been hurt by the steel industry in Sydney. The high cancer rates and early mortality among steelworkers and those who lived in the areas surrounding the steel plant are a disastrous consequence of years of toxic pollution. When children are found with high levels of arsenic in their blood, as they were in Sydney in 2001, it is clear that there is a severe problem.122 The narrative of "toxic legacy" is one that Maude Barlow and Elizabeth May reflect in their book, Frederick Street. The authors' speak only in discourses of exploitation when they present the lives of Sydney's steelworkers as "Hobbesian ... nasty, brutish and short," albeit among a people with "indomitable spirits." They assert, "in 1968, the steel plant should have closed ... many lives would have been spared. But this was a steel mill that would not die, even if it killed everything around it."123 This comes perilously close to ignoring, or denying, the agency of workers and their families in their opposition to the planned shutdown of the steel plant. The Steelworkers' Memorial Monument offers a public memory of the steelmaking past that is centred upon the memorialization of the dead, the advances in workplace safety made possible through unionism, and finally, the end of the steel industry in Sydney. The list of names is a repository of both individual and social memory; the memorialized dead are represented both as individuals and collectively as "Sydney steelworkers." Depending on the viewer's relationship to the history of steelmaking in Sydney, the monument can be read in multiple ways. While it omits the names of those who were killed off-site and does not directly address the plant's "toxic legacy," the monument directs the viewer's attention to the dangers faced daily by those who worked at the Sydney steel plant throughout the 20th century. The decline in names on the monument towards the end of the 20th century speaks to advances in workplace conditions and health and safety, but also to the long decline of the local steel industry and the community-based challenges to keep the plant open. The names listed after 1967 represent an affirmation of the hopes of steelworkers and their families to influence government policy, but also highlight the dangers of industrial work in the modern plant. Listing the names chronologically has provided the monument with an historical narrative of steelmaking in Sydney, but so, too, does it implicitly commemorate the eventual failure of the steelworkers in halting the closure of the plant in 2001. Although the most recent name listed, [Roy Marchand], was killed in 2004, the deconstruction of the former site is now complete. There will be never be another name added to the steelworkers' monument because there is no longer a steel plant in Sydney.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0700-3862</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1911-4842</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Committee on Canadian Labour History and AU Press</publisher><subject>Appreciation ; Australia ; Canada ; Collective memory ; Conceptualization ; Deindustrialization ; Design and construction ; Fatalities ; History ; Industrial plants ; Iron and steel workers ; Labor standards ; Labour collectives ; Labour relations ; Memorials & monuments ; Monuments ; National memory ; New South Wales ; Nova Scotia ; Occupational safety ; Public spaces ; RESEARCH NOTE / NOTE DE RÉCHERCHE ; Social aspects ; Social behaviour ; Steel industry ; Steel-works ; Workers ; Working class</subject><ispartof>Labour (Halifax), 2013-09, Vol.72 (72), p.101-128</ispartof><rights>Copyright © 2013 Canadian Committee on Labour History</rights><rights>Copyright © Canadian Committee on Labour History</rights><rights>COPYRIGHT 2013 Canadian Committee on Labour History</rights><rights>Copyright Canadian Committee on Labour History Fall 2013</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><linktopdf>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/24244113$$EPDF$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktopdf><linktohtml>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/24244113$$EHTML$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktohtml><link.rule.ids>314,776,780,799,57992,58225</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>MacKinnon, Lachlan</creatorcontrib><title>"To Those Who Lost Their Lives": Reading a Labour Landmark in Sydney, Nova Scotia</title><title>Labour (Halifax)</title><description>In Sydney, a city that continues to deal with the social and economic effects of deindustrialization, the Steelworkers' Memorial Monument embodies both the "social memory" of the workplace among former steelworkers, and the "individual memory" of those who personally knew the men commemorated on the memorial. Social memory, according to Edward Casey, is held within a network of kinship, community, or common engagement (which can include a common workplace), while individual memory is uniquely personal. When these types of memory are expressed in public space, whether through commemoration, performance, or re-enactment, they become manifestations of "public memory." Sites or performances of public memory influence how the public conceptualizes particular past events. These "multiple remembrances" of a particular event or theme, which can exist among people who may or may not be known to one another, have been termed "collective memory"; there is no need for overlapping experience, Casey writes, "all that matters [for collective memory] is commonality of content."4 One narrative that has emerged since the 1980s is that of unmitigated environmental and medical catastrophe, a "toxic legacy."121 Many people have been hurt by the steel industry in Sydney. The high cancer rates and early mortality among steelworkers and those who lived in the areas surrounding the steel plant are a disastrous consequence of years of toxic pollution. When children are found with high levels of arsenic in their blood, as they were in Sydney in 2001, it is clear that there is a severe problem.122 The narrative of "toxic legacy" is one that Maude Barlow and Elizabeth May reflect in their book, Frederick Street. The authors' speak only in discourses of exploitation when they present the lives of Sydney's steelworkers as "Hobbesian ... nasty, brutish and short," albeit among a people with "indomitable spirits." They assert, "in 1968, the steel plant should have closed ... many lives would have been spared. But this was a steel mill that would not die, even if it killed everything around it."123 This comes perilously close to ignoring, or denying, the agency of workers and their families in their opposition to the planned shutdown of the steel plant. The Steelworkers' Memorial Monument offers a public memory of the steelmaking past that is centred upon the memorialization of the dead, the advances in workplace safety made possible through unionism, and finally, the end of the steel industry in Sydney. The list of names is a repository of both individual and social memory; the memorialized dead are represented both as individuals and collectively as "Sydney steelworkers." Depending on the viewer's relationship to the history of steelmaking in Sydney, the monument can be read in multiple ways. While it omits the names of those who were killed off-site and does not directly address the plant's "toxic legacy," the monument directs the viewer's attention to the dangers faced daily by those who worked at the Sydney steel plant throughout the 20th century. The decline in names on the monument towards the end of the 20th century speaks to advances in workplace conditions and health and safety, but also to the long decline of the local steel industry and the community-based challenges to keep the plant open. The names listed after 1967 represent an affirmation of the hopes of steelworkers and their families to influence government policy, but also highlight the dangers of industrial work in the modern plant. Listing the names chronologically has provided the monument with an historical narrative of steelmaking in Sydney, but so, too, does it implicitly commemorate the eventual failure of the steelworkers in halting the closure of the plant in 2001. Although the most recent name listed, [Roy Marchand], was killed in 2004, the deconstruction of the former site is now complete. There will be never be another name added to the steelworkers' monument because there is no longer a steel plant in Sydney.</description><subject>Appreciation</subject><subject>Australia</subject><subject>Canada</subject><subject>Collective memory</subject><subject>Conceptualization</subject><subject>Deindustrialization</subject><subject>Design and construction</subject><subject>Fatalities</subject><subject>History</subject><subject>Industrial plants</subject><subject>Iron and steel workers</subject><subject>Labor standards</subject><subject>Labour collectives</subject><subject>Labour relations</subject><subject>Memorials & monuments</subject><subject>Monuments</subject><subject>National memory</subject><subject>New South Wales</subject><subject>Nova Scotia</subject><subject>Occupational safety</subject><subject>Public spaces</subject><subject>RESEARCH NOTE / NOTE DE RÉCHERCHE</subject><subject>Social aspects</subject><subject>Social behaviour</subject><subject>Steel 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(Halifax)</jtitle><date>2013-09-22</date><risdate>2013</risdate><volume>72</volume><issue>72</issue><spage>101</spage><epage>128</epage><pages>101-128</pages><issn>0700-3862</issn><eissn>1911-4842</eissn><abstract>In Sydney, a city that continues to deal with the social and economic effects of deindustrialization, the Steelworkers' Memorial Monument embodies both the "social memory" of the workplace among former steelworkers, and the "individual memory" of those who personally knew the men commemorated on the memorial. Social memory, according to Edward Casey, is held within a network of kinship, community, or common engagement (which can include a common workplace), while individual memory is uniquely personal. When these types of memory are expressed in public space, whether through commemoration, performance, or re-enactment, they become manifestations of "public memory." Sites or performances of public memory influence how the public conceptualizes particular past events. These "multiple remembrances" of a particular event or theme, which can exist among people who may or may not be known to one another, have been termed "collective memory"; there is no need for overlapping experience, Casey writes, "all that matters [for collective memory] is commonality of content."4 One narrative that has emerged since the 1980s is that of unmitigated environmental and medical catastrophe, a "toxic legacy."121 Many people have been hurt by the steel industry in Sydney. The high cancer rates and early mortality among steelworkers and those who lived in the areas surrounding the steel plant are a disastrous consequence of years of toxic pollution. When children are found with high levels of arsenic in their blood, as they were in Sydney in 2001, it is clear that there is a severe problem.122 The narrative of "toxic legacy" is one that Maude Barlow and Elizabeth May reflect in their book, Frederick Street. The authors' speak only in discourses of exploitation when they present the lives of Sydney's steelworkers as "Hobbesian ... nasty, brutish and short," albeit among a people with "indomitable spirits." They assert, "in 1968, the steel plant should have closed ... many lives would have been spared. But this was a steel mill that would not die, even if it killed everything around it."123 This comes perilously close to ignoring, or denying, the agency of workers and their families in their opposition to the planned shutdown of the steel plant. The Steelworkers' Memorial Monument offers a public memory of the steelmaking past that is centred upon the memorialization of the dead, the advances in workplace safety made possible through unionism, and finally, the end of the steel industry in Sydney. The list of names is a repository of both individual and social memory; the memorialized dead are represented both as individuals and collectively as "Sydney steelworkers." Depending on the viewer's relationship to the history of steelmaking in Sydney, the monument can be read in multiple ways. While it omits the names of those who were killed off-site and does not directly address the plant's "toxic legacy," the monument directs the viewer's attention to the dangers faced daily by those who worked at the Sydney steel plant throughout the 20th century. The decline in names on the monument towards the end of the 20th century speaks to advances in workplace conditions and health and safety, but also to the long decline of the local steel industry and the community-based challenges to keep the plant open. The names listed after 1967 represent an affirmation of the hopes of steelworkers and their families to influence government policy, but also highlight the dangers of industrial work in the modern plant. Listing the names chronologically has provided the monument with an historical narrative of steelmaking in Sydney, but so, too, does it implicitly commemorate the eventual failure of the steelworkers in halting the closure of the plant in 2001. Although the most recent name listed, [Roy Marchand], was killed in 2004, the deconstruction of the former site is now complete. There will be never be another name added to the steelworkers' monument because there is no longer a steel plant in Sydney.</abstract><pub>Committee on Canadian Labour History and AU Press</pub><tpages>28</tpages></addata></record> |
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subjects | Appreciation Australia Canada Collective memory Conceptualization Deindustrialization Design and construction Fatalities History Industrial plants Iron and steel workers Labor standards Labour collectives Labour relations Memorials & monuments Monuments National memory New South Wales Nova Scotia Occupational safety Public spaces RESEARCH NOTE / NOTE DE RÉCHERCHE Social aspects Social behaviour Steel industry Steel-works Workers Working class |
title | "To Those Who Lost Their Lives": Reading a Labour Landmark in Sydney, Nova Scotia |
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