How Do General Election Incentives Affect the Visible and Invisible Primary?
Previous research finds that nominating more centrist candidates increases vote share and win probability in congressional general elections. Yet party primary elections often nominate non‐centrist candidates, increasing polarization between the American parties. We develop a model of choice in nomi...
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Veröffentlicht in: | Legislative studies quarterly 2023-11, Vol.48 (4), p.833-867 |
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description | Previous research finds that nominating more centrist candidates increases vote share and win probability in congressional general elections. Yet party primary elections often nominate non‐centrist candidates, increasing polarization between the American parties. We develop a model of choice in nomination politics that shows when and how actors respond to incentives of the general election. We then combine 200 million contribution records with data on 22,400 candidates in 7100 House primary elections from 1980 through 2016. We find that potential candidates and primary voters respond to general election incentives but do not find clear evidence for contributors or the winnowing process. Connecting these results back to our model, this implies that actors in the invisible primary either place higher value on in‐party candidate ideology or have different beliefs about the general election than do primary voters. Our evidence adds to a body of research that suggests primary voters are a larger moderating force than elites in American party politics. |
doi_str_mv | 10.1111/lsq.12415 |
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Yet party primary elections often nominate non‐centrist candidates, increasing polarization between the American parties. We develop a model of choice in nomination politics that shows when and how actors respond to incentives of the general election. We then combine 200 million contribution records with data on 22,400 candidates in 7100 House primary elections from 1980 through 2016. We find that potential candidates and primary voters respond to general election incentives but do not find clear evidence for contributors or the winnowing process. Connecting these results back to our model, this implies that actors in the invisible primary either place higher value on in‐party candidate ideology or have different beliefs about the general election than do primary voters. 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Yet party primary elections often nominate non‐centrist candidates, increasing polarization between the American parties. We develop a model of choice in nomination politics that shows when and how actors respond to incentives of the general election. We then combine 200 million contribution records with data on 22,400 candidates in 7100 House primary elections from 1980 through 2016. We find that potential candidates and primary voters respond to general election incentives but do not find clear evidence for contributors or the winnowing process. Connecting these results back to our model, this implies that actors in the invisible primary either place higher value on in‐party candidate ideology or have different beliefs about the general election than do primary voters. Our evidence adds to a body of research that suggests primary voters are a larger moderating force than elites in American party politics.</description><subject>Candidates</subject><subject>Centrism</subject><subject>difference‐in‐differences</subject><subject>Elections</subject><subject>Incentives</subject><subject>invisible primary</subject><subject>Nominations</subject><subject>Polarization</subject><subject>political coordination</subject><subject>Political elites</subject><subject>political parties</subject><subject>political polarization</subject><subject>Primaries & caucuses</subject><subject>Primary elections</subject><subject>Voters</subject><issn>0362-9805</issn><issn>1939-9162</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>2023</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>7UB</sourceid><recordid>eNp1kE1PwzAMhiMEEmVw4B9E4sShW5I2aXNC0xjbpEqA-LhGaeKITqXdmm7T_j2B7ooPtmw9fm29CN1SMqYhJrXfjilLKT9DEZWJjCUV7BxFJBEsljnhl-jK-zUhNJM5i1CxbA_4scULaKDTNZ7XYPqqbfCqMdD01R48njoXhrj_AvxZ-aqsAevGBmJ_6l666lt3x4drdOF07eHmVEfo42n-PlvGxfNiNZsWsWE84yEDd6nTgoBNTSKM4Vo6a6yhzqWlFpZRkiXSGgeCkLwsHc9y6xjLRZYYlozQ3aC76drtDnyv1u2ua8JJxXIpCE-J4IG6HyjTtd534NRm-FNRon7NUsEs9WdWYCcDe6hqOP4PquLtddj4ATgca2E</recordid><startdate>202311</startdate><enddate>202311</enddate><creator>Lockhart, Mackenzie</creator><creator>Hill, Seth J.</creator><general>Wiley Subscription Services, Inc</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>7UB</scope><orcidid>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3785-1533</orcidid></search><sort><creationdate>202311</creationdate><title>How Do General Election Incentives Affect the Visible and Invisible Primary?</title><author>Lockhart, Mackenzie ; Hill, Seth J.</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c2575-c2e5f4fa60ed4c36cc5a9fdcdc1ff4ba6d210739dcfe6008bbf578df228673c23</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>2023</creationdate><topic>Candidates</topic><topic>Centrism</topic><topic>difference‐in‐differences</topic><topic>Elections</topic><topic>Incentives</topic><topic>invisible primary</topic><topic>Nominations</topic><topic>Polarization</topic><topic>political coordination</topic><topic>Political elites</topic><topic>political parties</topic><topic>political polarization</topic><topic>Primaries & caucuses</topic><topic>Primary elections</topic><topic>Voters</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Lockhart, Mackenzie</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Hill, Seth J.</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</collection><jtitle>Legislative studies quarterly</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Lockhart, Mackenzie</au><au>Hill, Seth J.</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>How Do General Election Incentives Affect the Visible and Invisible Primary?</atitle><jtitle>Legislative studies quarterly</jtitle><date>2023-11</date><risdate>2023</risdate><volume>48</volume><issue>4</issue><spage>833</spage><epage>867</epage><pages>833-867</pages><issn>0362-9805</issn><eissn>1939-9162</eissn><abstract>Previous research finds that nominating more centrist candidates increases vote share and win probability in congressional general elections. Yet party primary elections often nominate non‐centrist candidates, increasing polarization between the American parties. We develop a model of choice in nomination politics that shows when and how actors respond to incentives of the general election. We then combine 200 million contribution records with data on 22,400 candidates in 7100 House primary elections from 1980 through 2016. We find that potential candidates and primary voters respond to general election incentives but do not find clear evidence for contributors or the winnowing process. Connecting these results back to our model, this implies that actors in the invisible primary either place higher value on in‐party candidate ideology or have different beliefs about the general election than do primary voters. 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subjects | Candidates Centrism difference‐in‐differences Elections Incentives invisible primary Nominations Polarization political coordination Political elites political parties political polarization Primaries & caucuses Primary elections Voters |
title | How Do General Election Incentives Affect the Visible and Invisible Primary? |
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