Elite–mass agreement in British foreign policy
The article analyses the role of national identity in British foreign policy, through the debate between ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’. It highlights the role of both elites and the mass consumer public and argues that critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sens...
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Veröffentlicht in: | International affairs (London) 2022-01, Vol.98 (1), p.245-262 |
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description | The article analyses the role of national identity in British foreign policy, through the debate between ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’. It highlights the role of both elites and the mass consumer public and argues that critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense.
Abstract
Thirty years ago, William Wallace likened British foreign policy to a musical tug-of-war between the ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’, attributing ‘all the best tunes’ to the former. This article revisits Wallace's thesis and its main concept: national identity. It finds that Wallace was right to draw attention to the power of the ruling elite to shape Englishness and Britishness. However, the article also finds that ‘global’ foreign policy ideas were never the exclusive province of a segment of the British elite. Rather, they circulated in English and more broadly British society writ large, reflecting and reinforcing deep-seated, even unselfconscious, agreements between both ‘Anglo-Saxon’ and ‘European’ elites on the one hand, and much of the mass consumer public on the other. It follows that the constraints posed on possibilities of foreign policy change were always greater than Wallace had suggested; that a ‘lesser’ British foreign policy that was, and still is, so hard to imagine for the British is significant for analysis of dynamics of ‘western’ knowledge production that come under critique in this special issue. But rather than focusing exclusively on elites, critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense, too. |
doi_str_mv | 10.1093/ia/iiab203 |
format | Article |
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Abstract
Thirty years ago, William Wallace likened British foreign policy to a musical tug-of-war between the ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’, attributing ‘all the best tunes’ to the former. This article revisits Wallace's thesis and its main concept: national identity. It finds that Wallace was right to draw attention to the power of the ruling elite to shape Englishness and Britishness. However, the article also finds that ‘global’ foreign policy ideas were never the exclusive province of a segment of the British elite. Rather, they circulated in English and more broadly British society writ large, reflecting and reinforcing deep-seated, even unselfconscious, agreements between both ‘Anglo-Saxon’ and ‘European’ elites on the one hand, and much of the mass consumer public on the other. It follows that the constraints posed on possibilities of foreign policy change were always greater than Wallace had suggested; that a ‘lesser’ British foreign policy that was, and still is, so hard to imagine for the British is significant for analysis of dynamics of ‘western’ knowledge production that come under critique in this special issue. But rather than focusing exclusively on elites, critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense, too.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0020-5850</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1468-2346</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiab203</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Oxford: Oxford University Press</publisher><subject>Agreements ; Common sense ; Elites ; Foreign policy ; National identity ; Policy making ; Power elite ; Research transfer</subject><ispartof>International affairs (London), 2022-01, Vol.98 (1), p.245-262</ispartof><rights>The Author(s) 2022. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal Institute of International Affairs. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com 2022</rights><rights>The Author(s) 2022. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal Institute of International Affairs. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><oa>free_for_read</oa><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed><citedby>FETCH-LOGICAL-c325t-298f7badf1a58b5b0525b1b534142d3bbc6c013a404bfb4d3057c1bdbcf73bd33</citedby></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><link.rule.ids>314,776,780,1578,27843,27901,27902</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Vucetic, Srdjan</creatorcontrib><title>Elite–mass agreement in British foreign policy</title><title>International affairs (London)</title><description>The article analyses the role of national identity in British foreign policy, through the debate between ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’. It highlights the role of both elites and the mass consumer public and argues that critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense.
Abstract
Thirty years ago, William Wallace likened British foreign policy to a musical tug-of-war between the ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’, attributing ‘all the best tunes’ to the former. This article revisits Wallace's thesis and its main concept: national identity. It finds that Wallace was right to draw attention to the power of the ruling elite to shape Englishness and Britishness. However, the article also finds that ‘global’ foreign policy ideas were never the exclusive province of a segment of the British elite. Rather, they circulated in English and more broadly British society writ large, reflecting and reinforcing deep-seated, even unselfconscious, agreements between both ‘Anglo-Saxon’ and ‘European’ elites on the one hand, and much of the mass consumer public on the other. It follows that the constraints posed on possibilities of foreign policy change were always greater than Wallace had suggested; that a ‘lesser’ British foreign policy that was, and still is, so hard to imagine for the British is significant for analysis of dynamics of ‘western’ knowledge production that come under critique in this special issue. But rather than focusing exclusively on elites, critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense, too.</description><subject>Agreements</subject><subject>Common sense</subject><subject>Elites</subject><subject>Foreign policy</subject><subject>National identity</subject><subject>Policy making</subject><subject>Power elite</subject><subject>Research transfer</subject><issn>0020-5850</issn><issn>1468-2346</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>2022</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>7TQ</sourceid><sourceid>7UB</sourceid><recordid>eNp9kL1OwzAUhS0EEqWw8ASREAtS6LWvnaQjVOVHqsQCs-Xr2MVVmwQ7HbrxDrxhn4SgdmY6y3d-dBi75nDPYYqTYCYhGBKAJ2zEZVHlAmVxykYAAnJVKThnFymtAIAjTkcM5uvQu_33z8aklJlldG7jmj4LTfYYQx_SZ-bb6MKyybp2Hezukp15s07u6qhj9vE0f5-95Iu359fZwyK3KFSfi2nlSzK150ZVpAiUUMRJoeRS1EhkCztMMBIkeZI1giotp5qsL5FqxDG7OeR2sf3autTrVbuNzVCpRYGVUmUx-Mfs7kDZ2KYUndddDBsTd5qD_ntEB6OPjwzw7QFut91_3C_ptmEl</recordid><startdate>20220101</startdate><enddate>20220101</enddate><creator>Vucetic, Srdjan</creator><general>Oxford University Press</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>7TQ</scope><scope>7UB</scope><scope>8BJ</scope><scope>DHY</scope><scope>DON</scope><scope>FQK</scope><scope>JBE</scope></search><sort><creationdate>20220101</creationdate><title>Elite–mass agreement in British foreign policy</title><author>Vucetic, Srdjan</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c325t-298f7badf1a58b5b0525b1b534142d3bbc6c013a404bfb4d3057c1bdbcf73bd33</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>2022</creationdate><topic>Agreements</topic><topic>Common sense</topic><topic>Elites</topic><topic>Foreign policy</topic><topic>National identity</topic><topic>Policy making</topic><topic>Power elite</topic><topic>Research transfer</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Vucetic, Srdjan</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>PAIS Index</collection><collection>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS)</collection><collection>PAIS International</collection><collection>PAIS International (Ovid)</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><jtitle>International affairs (London)</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Vucetic, Srdjan</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>Elite–mass agreement in British foreign policy</atitle><jtitle>International affairs (London)</jtitle><date>2022-01-01</date><risdate>2022</risdate><volume>98</volume><issue>1</issue><spage>245</spage><epage>262</epage><pages>245-262</pages><issn>0020-5850</issn><eissn>1468-2346</eissn><abstract>The article analyses the role of national identity in British foreign policy, through the debate between ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’. It highlights the role of both elites and the mass consumer public and argues that critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense.
Abstract
Thirty years ago, William Wallace likened British foreign policy to a musical tug-of-war between the ‘Anglo-Saxons’ and ‘Europeans’, attributing ‘all the best tunes’ to the former. This article revisits Wallace's thesis and its main concept: national identity. It finds that Wallace was right to draw attention to the power of the ruling elite to shape Englishness and Britishness. However, the article also finds that ‘global’ foreign policy ideas were never the exclusive province of a segment of the British elite. Rather, they circulated in English and more broadly British society writ large, reflecting and reinforcing deep-seated, even unselfconscious, agreements between both ‘Anglo-Saxon’ and ‘European’ elites on the one hand, and much of the mass consumer public on the other. It follows that the constraints posed on possibilities of foreign policy change were always greater than Wallace had suggested; that a ‘lesser’ British foreign policy that was, and still is, so hard to imagine for the British is significant for analysis of dynamics of ‘western’ knowledge production that come under critique in this special issue. But rather than focusing exclusively on elites, critical analyses of knowledge exchange should be attuned to popular common sense, too.</abstract><cop>Oxford</cop><pub>Oxford University Press</pub><doi>10.1093/ia/iiab203</doi><tpages>18</tpages><oa>free_for_read</oa></addata></record> |
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source | Oxford University Press Journals All Titles (1996-Current); Political Science Complete; PAIS Index; Worldwide Political Science Abstracts; Business Source Complete |
subjects | Agreements Common sense Elites Foreign policy National identity Policy making Power elite Research transfer |
title | Elite–mass agreement in British foreign policy |
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