Obama: Urban Liberalism’s Ascent

Barack Obama makes strange bedfellows. Indeed, only Obama could unite the kings and queens of bluegrass, merengue, rhythm and blues, jam bands, rock, hip-hop, and alternative rock into a motley rainbow coalition of sonic and electoral support. This eclectic assortment of musicians is more than a pol...

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description Barack Obama makes strange bedfellows. Indeed, only Obama could unite the kings and queens of bluegrass, merengue, rhythm and blues, jam bands, rock, hip-hop, and alternative rock into a motley rainbow coalition of sonic and electoral support. This eclectic assortment of musicians is more than a political oddity (Kreps 2008). Through it, one can veritably hear the Obama coalition. With an assist from a near economic apocalypse and Sarah Palin's gaffes, this diverse coalition of racial minorities, middle-class liberals, and unmarried women put Obama into the White House (Edsall 2011). Although the president failed to heal the nation's deep ideological divide, he succeeded in something almost as magical: he kept this unruly coalition together. This task of maintaining a far-flung and diverse collection of supporters united under a single banner is no small feat. Indeed, the primary test of political success for twentieth-century liberals has been just that. Coalescing and then sustaining a heterodox coalition is the most essential hurdle before a Democrat can achieve legislative victories and build a political legacy (see Carter, Jimmy). Barack Obama's unique political gifts have helped him keep his coalition united. Just as important as the force of his personality is the context. Obama's coalition is a product of a century's worth of demographic tumult and ideological variation. The Obama presidency is proof positive of urban liberalism's ascent. Foreshadowed and foretold by a heterogeneous collection of personalities and movements that range from the Populists and insurgent Progressives to George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy, the Obama coalition is both a reflection of the Democratic Party's past and a harbinger of things to come. Obama both is and is not sui generis. A generation before his emergence, self-termed "New Politics liberals" announced a new Democratic coalition. Succeeding where Henry Wallace had failed, New Politics liberals eschewed the Roosevelt coalition's reliance on working-class whites for a new Democratic alliance dominated by "New Class" professionals (Bloodworth 2013, 4-5). According to them, a constituency of New Class professionals, African Americans, the poor, and young activists comprised the natural successors to the Roosevelt coalition. In 1972, New Politics liberals captured the Democratic nomination for their standard bearer, George McGovern. Moving beyond the New Deal coalition, the South Dakotan pursued his new liberal all
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Indeed, only Obama could unite the kings and queens of bluegrass, merengue, rhythm and blues, jam bands, rock, hip-hop, and alternative rock into a motley rainbow coalition of sonic and electoral support. This eclectic assortment of musicians is more than a political oddity (Kreps 2008). Through it, one can veritably hear the Obama coalition. With an assist from a near economic apocalypse and Sarah Palin's gaffes, this diverse coalition of racial minorities, middle-class liberals, and unmarried women put Obama into the White House (Edsall 2011). Although the president failed to heal the nation's deep ideological divide, he succeeded in something almost as magical: he kept this unruly coalition together. This task of maintaining a far-flung and diverse collection of supporters united under a single banner is no small feat. Indeed, the primary test of political success for twentieth-century liberals has been just that. Coalescing and then sustaining a heterodox coalition is the most essential hurdle before a Democrat can achieve legislative victories and build a political legacy (see Carter, Jimmy). Barack Obama's unique political gifts have helped him keep his coalition united. Just as important as the force of his personality is the context. Obama's coalition is a product of a century's worth of demographic tumult and ideological variation. The Obama presidency is proof positive of urban liberalism's ascent. Foreshadowed and foretold by a heterogeneous collection of personalities and movements that range from the Populists and insurgent Progressives to George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy, the Obama coalition is both a reflection of the Democratic Party's past and a harbinger of things to come. Obama both is and is not sui generis. A generation before his emergence, self-termed "New Politics liberals" announced a new Democratic coalition. Succeeding where Henry Wallace had failed, New Politics liberals eschewed the Roosevelt coalition's reliance on working-class whites for a new Democratic alliance dominated by "New Class" professionals (Bloodworth 2013, 4-5). According to them, a constituency of New Class professionals, African Americans, the poor, and young activists comprised the natural successors to the Roosevelt coalition. In 1972, New Politics liberals captured the Democratic nomination for their standard bearer, George McGovern. Moving beyond the New Deal coalition, the South Dakotan pursued his new liberal alliance. Happily, some of it did coalesce. Unhappily (for McGovern), the pieces and parts added up to a paltry 37.5% of the vote (Patterson 1996, 764). A generation hence, the Obama coalition--young people, minorities, unmarried women, and middle-class liberals--bears a remarkable resemblance to the New Politics alliance (Edsall 2011). Unlike 1972, the components now comprise a majority of the electorate. For the first time since Franklin Roosevelt, a Democrat won consecutive presidential races with more than 50% of the vote (Teixeira and Halpin 2012, 4); Obama's electoral alliance is not his political grandfather's (i.e., FDR) coalition. In 2012, Obama dominated the black (93%), Latino (71%), and Asian American (73%) vote (Teixeira and Halpin 2012, 4). Overlooked, however, is the role of upper-income whites. In 2008, Obama tied McCain with voters making $100,000 but actually won those who made more than $200,000 (Penn 2008). A few slight additions notwithstanding, McGovern's dream of uniting the minorities, youth vote, and highly educated liberals not only exists, it also wins national elections. The Obama coalition is proof positive of urban liberalism's dominance and ascent and the final demise of the Democratic Party's rural populist wing. Indeed, since Andrew Jackson, the Democratic Party has been a coalition of rural, hinterland "populists" and the urban working class (Wilentz 2005, 357-8). For "Old Hickory" and nineteenth-century Democrats, the former was the dominant part of his electoral alliance. Jackson, like his successors, had to balance the delicate cultural politics that continually threatened to tear asunder the rural populist-urban liberal coalition. Twentieth-century liberalism was a political coalition of rural populists and urban liberals. Cultural fissures separating urban and rural America consistently threatened this alliance. This balancing act became even more intricate as urban Americans became increasingly demographically dominant. These disparate wings, nevertheless, were brought together into an enduring coalition by the excesses of the Gilded Age and the "monopoly" issue. In this way, monopolies not only helped to establish twentieth-century liberalism--the issue, in a roundabout manner, also made Barack Obama possible. Twentieth-century liberalism was a political coalition of rural populists and urban liberals. Cultural fissures separating urban and rural America consistently threatened this alliance.</description><identifier>ISSN: 1049-0965</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1537-5935</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.1017/S1049096516002080</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>New York, USA: Cambridge University Press</publisher><subject>19th century ; 20th century ; Capitalism ; Coalitions ; Dance ; Economic growth ; Elections ; Ideology ; Laborers ; Liberalism ; Middle class ; New Deal ; Obama, Barack ; Political activism ; Political alliances ; Political Attitudes ; Political parties ; Politics ; Populism ; Presidents ; Rural areas ; Social Systems ; Symposium: President Obama’s Legacy and Record ; United States History ; Urban areas ; Wages ; Whites ; Working class</subject><ispartof>PS, political science &amp; politics, 2017-01, Vol.50 (1), p.44-48</ispartof><rights>Copyright © American Political Science Association 2017</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><linktohtml>$$Uhttps://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1049096516002080/type/journal_article$$EHTML$$P50$$Gcambridge$$H</linktohtml><link.rule.ids>164,314,776,780,12824,27901,27902,55603</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Bloodworth, Jeff</creatorcontrib><title>Obama: Urban Liberalism’s Ascent</title><title>PS, political science &amp; politics</title><addtitle>APSC</addtitle><description>Barack Obama makes strange bedfellows. Indeed, only Obama could unite the kings and queens of bluegrass, merengue, rhythm and blues, jam bands, rock, hip-hop, and alternative rock into a motley rainbow coalition of sonic and electoral support. This eclectic assortment of musicians is more than a political oddity (Kreps 2008). Through it, one can veritably hear the Obama coalition. With an assist from a near economic apocalypse and Sarah Palin's gaffes, this diverse coalition of racial minorities, middle-class liberals, and unmarried women put Obama into the White House (Edsall 2011). Although the president failed to heal the nation's deep ideological divide, he succeeded in something almost as magical: he kept this unruly coalition together. This task of maintaining a far-flung and diverse collection of supporters united under a single banner is no small feat. Indeed, the primary test of political success for twentieth-century liberals has been just that. Coalescing and then sustaining a heterodox coalition is the most essential hurdle before a Democrat can achieve legislative victories and build a political legacy (see Carter, Jimmy). Barack Obama's unique political gifts have helped him keep his coalition united. Just as important as the force of his personality is the context. Obama's coalition is a product of a century's worth of demographic tumult and ideological variation. The Obama presidency is proof positive of urban liberalism's ascent. Foreshadowed and foretold by a heterogeneous collection of personalities and movements that range from the Populists and insurgent Progressives to George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy, the Obama coalition is both a reflection of the Democratic Party's past and a harbinger of things to come. Obama both is and is not sui generis. A generation before his emergence, self-termed "New Politics liberals" announced a new Democratic coalition. Succeeding where Henry Wallace had failed, New Politics liberals eschewed the Roosevelt coalition's reliance on working-class whites for a new Democratic alliance dominated by "New Class" professionals (Bloodworth 2013, 4-5). According to them, a constituency of New Class professionals, African Americans, the poor, and young activists comprised the natural successors to the Roosevelt coalition. In 1972, New Politics liberals captured the Democratic nomination for their standard bearer, George McGovern. Moving beyond the New Deal coalition, the South Dakotan pursued his new liberal alliance. Happily, some of it did coalesce. Unhappily (for McGovern), the pieces and parts added up to a paltry 37.5% of the vote (Patterson 1996, 764). A generation hence, the Obama coalition--young people, minorities, unmarried women, and middle-class liberals--bears a remarkable resemblance to the New Politics alliance (Edsall 2011). Unlike 1972, the components now comprise a majority of the electorate. For the first time since Franklin Roosevelt, a Democrat won consecutive presidential races with more than 50% of the vote (Teixeira and Halpin 2012, 4); Obama's electoral alliance is not his political grandfather's (i.e., FDR) coalition. In 2012, Obama dominated the black (93%), Latino (71%), and Asian American (73%) vote (Teixeira and Halpin 2012, 4). Overlooked, however, is the role of upper-income whites. In 2008, Obama tied McCain with voters making $100,000 but actually won those who made more than $200,000 (Penn 2008). A few slight additions notwithstanding, McGovern's dream of uniting the minorities, youth vote, and highly educated liberals not only exists, it also wins national elections. The Obama coalition is proof positive of urban liberalism's dominance and ascent and the final demise of the Democratic Party's rural populist wing. Indeed, since Andrew Jackson, the Democratic Party has been a coalition of rural, hinterland "populists" and the urban working class (Wilentz 2005, 357-8). For "Old Hickory" and nineteenth-century Democrats, the former was the dominant part of his electoral alliance. Jackson, like his successors, had to balance the delicate cultural politics that continually threatened to tear asunder the rural populist-urban liberal coalition. Twentieth-century liberalism was a political coalition of rural populists and urban liberals. Cultural fissures separating urban and rural America consistently threatened this alliance. This balancing act became even more intricate as urban Americans became increasingly demographically dominant. These disparate wings, nevertheless, were brought together into an enduring coalition by the excesses of the Gilded Age and the "monopoly" issue. In this way, monopolies not only helped to establish twentieth-century liberalism--the issue, in a roundabout manner, also made Barack Obama possible. Twentieth-century liberalism was a political coalition of rural populists and urban liberals. Cultural fissures separating urban and rural America consistently threatened this alliance.</description><subject>19th century</subject><subject>20th century</subject><subject>Capitalism</subject><subject>Coalitions</subject><subject>Dance</subject><subject>Economic growth</subject><subject>Elections</subject><subject>Ideology</subject><subject>Laborers</subject><subject>Liberalism</subject><subject>Middle class</subject><subject>New Deal</subject><subject>Obama, Barack</subject><subject>Political activism</subject><subject>Political alliances</subject><subject>Political Attitudes</subject><subject>Political parties</subject><subject>Politics</subject><subject>Populism</subject><subject>Presidents</subject><subject>Rural areas</subject><subject>Social Systems</subject><subject>Symposium: President Obama’s Legacy and Record</subject><subject>United States History</subject><subject>Urban areas</subject><subject>Wages</subject><subject>Whites</subject><subject>Working 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areas</topic><topic>Wages</topic><topic>Whites</topic><topic>Working class</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Bloodworth, Jeff</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>ProQuest Social Sciences Premium Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Corporate)</collection><collection>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>Education Database (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>Military Database (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>Social Science Database (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Alumni) (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>Research Library (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central UK/Ireland</collection><collection>Social Science Premium Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest Central 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Basic</collection><jtitle>PS, political science &amp; politics</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Bloodworth, Jeff</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>Obama: Urban Liberalism’s Ascent</atitle><jtitle>PS, political science &amp; politics</jtitle><addtitle>APSC</addtitle><date>2017-01</date><risdate>2017</risdate><volume>50</volume><issue>1</issue><spage>44</spage><epage>48</epage><pages>44-48</pages><issn>1049-0965</issn><eissn>1537-5935</eissn><abstract>Barack Obama makes strange bedfellows. Indeed, only Obama could unite the kings and queens of bluegrass, merengue, rhythm and blues, jam bands, rock, hip-hop, and alternative rock into a motley rainbow coalition of sonic and electoral support. This eclectic assortment of musicians is more than a political oddity (Kreps 2008). Through it, one can veritably hear the Obama coalition. With an assist from a near economic apocalypse and Sarah Palin's gaffes, this diverse coalition of racial minorities, middle-class liberals, and unmarried women put Obama into the White House (Edsall 2011). Although the president failed to heal the nation's deep ideological divide, he succeeded in something almost as magical: he kept this unruly coalition together. This task of maintaining a far-flung and diverse collection of supporters united under a single banner is no small feat. Indeed, the primary test of political success for twentieth-century liberals has been just that. Coalescing and then sustaining a heterodox coalition is the most essential hurdle before a Democrat can achieve legislative victories and build a political legacy (see Carter, Jimmy). Barack Obama's unique political gifts have helped him keep his coalition united. Just as important as the force of his personality is the context. Obama's coalition is a product of a century's worth of demographic tumult and ideological variation. The Obama presidency is proof positive of urban liberalism's ascent. Foreshadowed and foretold by a heterogeneous collection of personalities and movements that range from the Populists and insurgent Progressives to George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy, the Obama coalition is both a reflection of the Democratic Party's past and a harbinger of things to come. Obama both is and is not sui generis. A generation before his emergence, self-termed "New Politics liberals" announced a new Democratic coalition. Succeeding where Henry Wallace had failed, New Politics liberals eschewed the Roosevelt coalition's reliance on working-class whites for a new Democratic alliance dominated by "New Class" professionals (Bloodworth 2013, 4-5). According to them, a constituency of New Class professionals, African Americans, the poor, and young activists comprised the natural successors to the Roosevelt coalition. In 1972, New Politics liberals captured the Democratic nomination for their standard bearer, George McGovern. Moving beyond the New Deal coalition, the South Dakotan pursued his new liberal alliance. Happily, some of it did coalesce. Unhappily (for McGovern), the pieces and parts added up to a paltry 37.5% of the vote (Patterson 1996, 764). A generation hence, the Obama coalition--young people, minorities, unmarried women, and middle-class liberals--bears a remarkable resemblance to the New Politics alliance (Edsall 2011). Unlike 1972, the components now comprise a majority of the electorate. For the first time since Franklin Roosevelt, a Democrat won consecutive presidential races with more than 50% of the vote (Teixeira and Halpin 2012, 4); Obama's electoral alliance is not his political grandfather's (i.e., FDR) coalition. In 2012, Obama dominated the black (93%), Latino (71%), and Asian American (73%) vote (Teixeira and Halpin 2012, 4). Overlooked, however, is the role of upper-income whites. In 2008, Obama tied McCain with voters making $100,000 but actually won those who made more than $200,000 (Penn 2008). A few slight additions notwithstanding, McGovern's dream of uniting the minorities, youth vote, and highly educated liberals not only exists, it also wins national elections. The Obama coalition is proof positive of urban liberalism's dominance and ascent and the final demise of the Democratic Party's rural populist wing. Indeed, since Andrew Jackson, the Democratic Party has been a coalition of rural, hinterland "populists" and the urban working class (Wilentz 2005, 357-8). For "Old Hickory" and nineteenth-century Democrats, the former was the dominant part of his electoral alliance. Jackson, like his successors, had to balance the delicate cultural politics that continually threatened to tear asunder the rural populist-urban liberal coalition. Twentieth-century liberalism was a political coalition of rural populists and urban liberals. Cultural fissures separating urban and rural America consistently threatened this alliance. This balancing act became even more intricate as urban Americans became increasingly demographically dominant. These disparate wings, nevertheless, were brought together into an enduring coalition by the excesses of the Gilded Age and the "monopoly" issue. In this way, monopolies not only helped to establish twentieth-century liberalism--the issue, in a roundabout manner, also made Barack Obama possible. Twentieth-century liberalism was a political coalition of rural populists and urban liberals. Cultural fissures separating urban and rural America consistently threatened this alliance.</abstract><cop>New York, USA</cop><pub>Cambridge University Press</pub><doi>10.1017/S1049096516002080</doi><tpages>5</tpages></addata></record>
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source Jstor Complete Legacy; Worldwide Political Science Abstracts; Cambridge University Press Journals Complete
subjects 19th century
20th century
Capitalism
Coalitions
Dance
Economic growth
Elections
Ideology
Laborers
Liberalism
Middle class
New Deal
Obama, Barack
Political activism
Political alliances
Political Attitudes
Political parties
Politics
Populism
Presidents
Rural areas
Social Systems
Symposium: President Obama’s Legacy and Record
United States History
Urban areas
Wages
Whites
Working class
title Obama: Urban Liberalism’s Ascent
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