Germanness beyond Germany: Collective Identity in German Diaspora Communities

Speaking of "collective identity" or "German identity" poses terminological problems. Inga Scharf argued that "German national identity appears to be too impossibly contradictory or paradoxical to be spoken of with any ease,"1 and the problem lies not only with the comp...

Ausführliche Beschreibung

Gespeichert in:
Bibliographische Detailangaben
Veröffentlicht in:German studies review 2016-02, Vol.39 (1), p.1-15
Hauptverfasser: Maxwell, Alexander, Davis, Sacha E.
Format: Artikel
Sprache:eng
Schlagworte:
Online-Zugang:Volltext
Tags: Tag hinzufügen
Keine Tags, Fügen Sie den ersten Tag hinzu!
container_end_page 15
container_issue 1
container_start_page 1
container_title German studies review
container_volume 39
creator Maxwell, Alexander
Davis, Sacha E.
description Speaking of "collective identity" or "German identity" poses terminological problems. Inga Scharf argued that "German national identity appears to be too impossibly contradictory or paradoxical to be spoken of with any ease,"1 and the problem lies not only with the complexities of Germanness, but also with the word "identity." In an influential article, Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper have shown that some scholars use the term to discuss both individuals and collectives; to discuss both something claimed for oneself and something externally attributed; and to discuss both something fluid, contextual, and contingent, and something solid, immutable, and enduring.2 Confusion results from the use of the same word for both halves of so many mutually exclusive binaries, though some scholars apparently underestimate the danger. Hans-Jochen Gamm's study of "German identities," for example, declared that "collective identities are apparently natural and for this reason require no further explanation," though Gamm also offered several "clarifications."3 While we have used the term "identity," we take Brubaker and Cooper's criticism seriously. We treat Germanness as something collective rather than individual. While we and our contributors examine Germanness both as something self-proclaimed and as something externally ascribed, we mostly emphasize self-understandings. Finally, we see Germanness as neither immutable nor ephemeral, but durably constructed within a given social and historical context. Informed by Brubaker's analysis of "groupism,"4 we place our emphasis on "Germanness" as a "category of practice," that is, as historical actors imagined and experienced it. Several scholars analyze Germanness with reference to the state or states governing the core German ethnoterritory. Françoise Knopper and Alain Ruiz, for example, argued that the cold war division of Europe, and particularly the creation of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, illustrate "significant difficulties in defining the German identity."5 [Louis L. Snyder] thought Bismarck responsible for the "subservience, discipline, and respect for authority" that "when added to other characteristics, gave the German national character in the late nineteenth century a special quality of its own." He also declared that postwar West Germany embodied "the new German character."6 James Sperling similarly suggested that "American, British, and West German policy makers cooper
doi_str_mv 10.1353/gsr.2016.0016
format Article
fullrecord <record><control><sourceid>jstor_proqu</sourceid><recordid>TN_cdi_proquest_journals_1787916833</recordid><sourceformat>XML</sourceformat><sourcesystem>PC</sourcesystem><jstor_id>24809055</jstor_id><sourcerecordid>24809055</sourcerecordid><originalsourceid>FETCH-LOGICAL-c332t-8638439f00b05c37d2c0601882e3dd9e1e1eaa74899a124967077f1f1cf14f4f3</originalsourceid><addsrcrecordid>eNpFkE1LxDAQhoMouH4cPQoFz11nkjQf3mTVdWHFg3oO3TaRlm27Jl2h_96ULmsCGZh5553MQ8gNwhxZxu6_g59TQDGH-JyQGUXBUyW4OCUzQK5TqTN6Ti5CqAGAKooz8ra0vsnb1oaQbOzQtWUyZYaHZNFtt7boq1-brErb9lU_JFV7qCdPVR52nc-jrGn2bdVXNlyRM5dvg70-xEvy9fL8uXhN1-_L1eJxnRaM0T7-iSnOtAPYQFYwWdICBKBS1LKy1BbjzXPJldY5Uq6FBCkdOiwccscduyR3k-_Odz97G3pTd3vfxpEGpZIahWIsqtJJVfguBG-d2fmqyf1gEMxIzERiZiRmRmJRz4-udVy82Qf7bywQeIbmY6Q6QsWYiIfHttuprQ59548zKFegIcvYH-cDd3E</addsrcrecordid><sourcetype>Aggregation Database</sourcetype><iscdi>true</iscdi><recordtype>article</recordtype><pqid>1787916833</pqid></control><display><type>article</type><title>Germanness beyond Germany: Collective Identity in German Diaspora Communities</title><source>Jstor Complete Legacy</source><creator>Maxwell, Alexander ; Davis, Sacha E.</creator><creatorcontrib>Maxwell, Alexander ; Davis, Sacha E.</creatorcontrib><description>Speaking of "collective identity" or "German identity" poses terminological problems. Inga Scharf argued that "German national identity appears to be too impossibly contradictory or paradoxical to be spoken of with any ease,"1 and the problem lies not only with the complexities of Germanness, but also with the word "identity." In an influential article, Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper have shown that some scholars use the term to discuss both individuals and collectives; to discuss both something claimed for oneself and something externally attributed; and to discuss both something fluid, contextual, and contingent, and something solid, immutable, and enduring.2 Confusion results from the use of the same word for both halves of so many mutually exclusive binaries, though some scholars apparently underestimate the danger. Hans-Jochen Gamm's study of "German identities," for example, declared that "collective identities are apparently natural and for this reason require no further explanation," though Gamm also offered several "clarifications."3 While we have used the term "identity," we take Brubaker and Cooper's criticism seriously. We treat Germanness as something collective rather than individual. While we and our contributors examine Germanness both as something self-proclaimed and as something externally ascribed, we mostly emphasize self-understandings. Finally, we see Germanness as neither immutable nor ephemeral, but durably constructed within a given social and historical context. Informed by Brubaker's analysis of "groupism,"4 we place our emphasis on "Germanness" as a "category of practice," that is, as historical actors imagined and experienced it. Several scholars analyze Germanness with reference to the state or states governing the core German ethnoterritory. Françoise Knopper and Alain Ruiz, for example, argued that the cold war division of Europe, and particularly the creation of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, illustrate "significant difficulties in defining the German identity."5 [Louis L. Snyder] thought Bismarck responsible for the "subservience, discipline, and respect for authority" that "when added to other characteristics, gave the German national character in the late nineteenth century a special quality of its own." He also declared that postwar West Germany embodied "the new German character."6 James Sperling similarly suggested that "American, British, and West German policy makers cooperated in forging a new German national identity that was liberal, democratic, irrevocably tied to the West and anti-Communist."7 Mark Blacksell even claimed that the Kaiserreich (imperial Germany), the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German Democratic Republic all "purported to represent all Germany and embrace a single national identity," and thus that all these states "fostered German identity."8 Others, including Friedrich Meinicke, Jürgen Habermas, and Rogers Brubaker, have explored Germanness in studies of legal citizenship.9 Cultural history and Alltagsgeschichte approaches have decentered the German state further. Scholars have emphasized that notions of "Germanness" also influence everyday habits and customs, even in the most banal and apparently apolitical situations. German patriots have, for example, pondered how eating and drinking, surely among the most universal human activities, might be done in a "German" way.17 Albert Rimmer, writing about "the art of cooking in Germany," argued in 1844 that "there is no reason why palates and bellies should be any less national than human heads and education."18 Such ideas ultimately had political consequences. In the final years of the Habsburg monarchy, Austrian German journals were nationalizing Bohemia's German breweries so that patriotic readers would know which beers were truly German.19 During the First World War, Hans Liemert even sought to Germanize the courtesies of the table by suggesting that Germans respond to "Bon Appetit" with a quotation from Goethe: "Hab Appetit auch ohne das! (I have an appetite even without that!)"20 Robert Chickering similarly found in his study of the Pan-German League that some German patriots came to prefer certain consumer products, including not only food but soap: "patriotic obligation extended to what Pan-Germans ate, smoked and smeared on their bodies."21 Nor did the Germanization of everyday life confine itself to patriot men: Nancy Reagin noted that middle-class Germans ascribed "German" qualities to women's work, such as housekeeping.22 Bryan Ganaway also found that attitudes to Germanness shaped the consumption of children's toys, at least among Germany's middle classes.23 Other scholars have contrasted "diasporas" with the related concept of "transnationalism." Thomas Faist, for example, differentiates "diasporas" from "transnational communities," suggesting that "transnational communities encompass diasporas; however not all transnational communities are diasporas."49 Peggy Levitt concurred, suggesting that "diasporas form out of the transnational communities."50 José Itzigsohn and Silvia Giorguli Saucedo, meanwhile, distinguished between "broad" and "narrow" transnationalism.51 The blizzard of definitions has driven some recent scholars to emphasize the discursive nature of the term "diaspora" itself.52 [James Clifford], for example, suggested that diasporas be studied as "identifications, not identities, acts of relationship rather than pre-given forms."53 In diaspora studies, as in the study of "identity," analytical terminology has evidently become an object of study in its own right. We use the term "diaspora" without defending any particular definition. Some German communities beyond the core German ethnoterritory may qualify as a diaspora according to some definitions; others may fail to qualify according to oth - ers, and since German communities evolve over time, they therefore theoretically acquire or lose the status of a "true" diaspora over time, according to any particular definition. Either way, our primary concern is Germanness: this project highlights the varied, polycentric nature of communities in what can, even if only as a shorthand, be called the German diaspora.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0149-7952</identifier><identifier>ISSN: 2164-8646</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 2164-8646</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.1353/gsr.2016.0016</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press</publisher><subject>Attitudes ; Children ; Citizenship ; Cultural change ; Cultural identity ; Diaspora ; German history ; German language ; Language culture relationship ; Language history ; National identity ; Patriotism ; Politics ; Reported speech ; Terminology ; War ; World War I</subject><ispartof>German studies review, 2016-02, Vol.39 (1), p.1-15</ispartof><rights>2016 The German Studies Association</rights><rights>Copyright © The German Studies Association</rights><rights>Copyright Johns Hopkins University Press Feb 2016</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed><citedby>FETCH-LOGICAL-c332t-8638439f00b05c37d2c0601882e3dd9e1e1eaa74899a124967077f1f1cf14f4f3</citedby></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><linktopdf>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/24809055$$EPDF$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktopdf><linktohtml>$$Uhttps://www.jstor.org/stable/24809055$$EHTML$$P50$$Gjstor$$H</linktohtml><link.rule.ids>314,777,781,800,27905,27906,57998,58231</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Maxwell, Alexander</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Davis, Sacha E.</creatorcontrib><title>Germanness beyond Germany: Collective Identity in German Diaspora Communities</title><title>German studies review</title><description>Speaking of "collective identity" or "German identity" poses terminological problems. Inga Scharf argued that "German national identity appears to be too impossibly contradictory or paradoxical to be spoken of with any ease,"1 and the problem lies not only with the complexities of Germanness, but also with the word "identity." In an influential article, Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper have shown that some scholars use the term to discuss both individuals and collectives; to discuss both something claimed for oneself and something externally attributed; and to discuss both something fluid, contextual, and contingent, and something solid, immutable, and enduring.2 Confusion results from the use of the same word for both halves of so many mutually exclusive binaries, though some scholars apparently underestimate the danger. Hans-Jochen Gamm's study of "German identities," for example, declared that "collective identities are apparently natural and for this reason require no further explanation," though Gamm also offered several "clarifications."3 While we have used the term "identity," we take Brubaker and Cooper's criticism seriously. We treat Germanness as something collective rather than individual. While we and our contributors examine Germanness both as something self-proclaimed and as something externally ascribed, we mostly emphasize self-understandings. Finally, we see Germanness as neither immutable nor ephemeral, but durably constructed within a given social and historical context. Informed by Brubaker's analysis of "groupism,"4 we place our emphasis on "Germanness" as a "category of practice," that is, as historical actors imagined and experienced it. Several scholars analyze Germanness with reference to the state or states governing the core German ethnoterritory. Françoise Knopper and Alain Ruiz, for example, argued that the cold war division of Europe, and particularly the creation of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, illustrate "significant difficulties in defining the German identity."5 [Louis L. Snyder] thought Bismarck responsible for the "subservience, discipline, and respect for authority" that "when added to other characteristics, gave the German national character in the late nineteenth century a special quality of its own." He also declared that postwar West Germany embodied "the new German character."6 James Sperling similarly suggested that "American, British, and West German policy makers cooperated in forging a new German national identity that was liberal, democratic, irrevocably tied to the West and anti-Communist."7 Mark Blacksell even claimed that the Kaiserreich (imperial Germany), the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German Democratic Republic all "purported to represent all Germany and embrace a single national identity," and thus that all these states "fostered German identity."8 Others, including Friedrich Meinicke, Jürgen Habermas, and Rogers Brubaker, have explored Germanness in studies of legal citizenship.9 Cultural history and Alltagsgeschichte approaches have decentered the German state further. Scholars have emphasized that notions of "Germanness" also influence everyday habits and customs, even in the most banal and apparently apolitical situations. German patriots have, for example, pondered how eating and drinking, surely among the most universal human activities, might be done in a "German" way.17 Albert Rimmer, writing about "the art of cooking in Germany," argued in 1844 that "there is no reason why palates and bellies should be any less national than human heads and education."18 Such ideas ultimately had political consequences. In the final years of the Habsburg monarchy, Austrian German journals were nationalizing Bohemia's German breweries so that patriotic readers would know which beers were truly German.19 During the First World War, Hans Liemert even sought to Germanize the courtesies of the table by suggesting that Germans respond to "Bon Appetit" with a quotation from Goethe: "Hab Appetit auch ohne das! (I have an appetite even without that!)"20 Robert Chickering similarly found in his study of the Pan-German League that some German patriots came to prefer certain consumer products, including not only food but soap: "patriotic obligation extended to what Pan-Germans ate, smoked and smeared on their bodies."21 Nor did the Germanization of everyday life confine itself to patriot men: Nancy Reagin noted that middle-class Germans ascribed "German" qualities to women's work, such as housekeeping.22 Bryan Ganaway also found that attitudes to Germanness shaped the consumption of children's toys, at least among Germany's middle classes.23 Other scholars have contrasted "diasporas" with the related concept of "transnationalism." Thomas Faist, for example, differentiates "diasporas" from "transnational communities," suggesting that "transnational communities encompass diasporas; however not all transnational communities are diasporas."49 Peggy Levitt concurred, suggesting that "diasporas form out of the transnational communities."50 José Itzigsohn and Silvia Giorguli Saucedo, meanwhile, distinguished between "broad" and "narrow" transnationalism.51 The blizzard of definitions has driven some recent scholars to emphasize the discursive nature of the term "diaspora" itself.52 [James Clifford], for example, suggested that diasporas be studied as "identifications, not identities, acts of relationship rather than pre-given forms."53 In diaspora studies, as in the study of "identity," analytical terminology has evidently become an object of study in its own right. We use the term "diaspora" without defending any particular definition. Some German communities beyond the core German ethnoterritory may qualify as a diaspora according to some definitions; others may fail to qualify according to oth - ers, and since German communities evolve over time, they therefore theoretically acquire or lose the status of a "true" diaspora over time, according to any particular definition. Either way, our primary concern is Germanness: this project highlights the varied, polycentric nature of communities in what can, even if only as a shorthand, be called the German diaspora.</description><subject>Attitudes</subject><subject>Children</subject><subject>Citizenship</subject><subject>Cultural change</subject><subject>Cultural identity</subject><subject>Diaspora</subject><subject>German history</subject><subject>German language</subject><subject>Language culture relationship</subject><subject>Language history</subject><subject>National identity</subject><subject>Patriotism</subject><subject>Politics</subject><subject>Reported speech</subject><subject>Terminology</subject><subject>War</subject><subject>World War I</subject><issn>0149-7952</issn><issn>2164-8646</issn><issn>2164-8646</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>2016</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>AFKRA</sourceid><sourceid>AIMQZ</sourceid><sourceid>AZQEC</sourceid><sourceid>BENPR</sourceid><sourceid>CCPQU</sourceid><sourceid>DWQXO</sourceid><sourceid>GNUQQ</sourceid><sourceid>GUQSH</sourceid><sourceid>M2O</sourceid><sourceid>PAF</sourceid><sourceid>PQLNA</sourceid><sourceid>PROLI</sourceid><recordid>eNpFkE1LxDAQhoMouH4cPQoFz11nkjQf3mTVdWHFg3oO3TaRlm27Jl2h_96ULmsCGZh5553MQ8gNwhxZxu6_g59TQDGH-JyQGUXBUyW4OCUzQK5TqTN6Ti5CqAGAKooz8ra0vsnb1oaQbOzQtWUyZYaHZNFtt7boq1-brErb9lU_JFV7qCdPVR52nc-jrGn2bdVXNlyRM5dvg70-xEvy9fL8uXhN1-_L1eJxnRaM0T7-iSnOtAPYQFYwWdICBKBS1LKy1BbjzXPJldY5Uq6FBCkdOiwccscduyR3k-_Odz97G3pTd3vfxpEGpZIahWIsqtJJVfguBG-d2fmqyf1gEMxIzERiZiRmRmJRz4-udVy82Qf7bywQeIbmY6Q6QsWYiIfHttuprQ59548zKFegIcvYH-cDd3E</recordid><startdate>20160201</startdate><enddate>20160201</enddate><creator>Maxwell, Alexander</creator><creator>Davis, Sacha E.</creator><general>Johns Hopkins University Press</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>7WY</scope><scope>7XB</scope><scope>8BJ</scope><scope>AFKRA</scope><scope>AIMQZ</scope><scope>AZQEC</scope><scope>BENPR</scope><scope>BEZIV</scope><scope>CCPQU</scope><scope>CLO</scope><scope>DWQXO</scope><scope>FQK</scope><scope>GNUQQ</scope><scope>GUQSH</scope><scope>JBE</scope><scope>K6~</scope><scope>L.-</scope><scope>LIQON</scope><scope>M0F</scope><scope>M2O</scope><scope>MBDVC</scope><scope>PAF</scope><scope>PPXUT</scope><scope>PQBIZ</scope><scope>PQEST</scope><scope>PQLNA</scope><scope>PQQKQ</scope><scope>PQUKI</scope><scope>PROLI</scope><scope>Q9U</scope></search><sort><creationdate>20160201</creationdate><title>Germanness beyond Germany: Collective Identity in German Diaspora Communities</title><author>Maxwell, Alexander ; Davis, Sacha E.</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c332t-8638439f00b05c37d2c0601882e3dd9e1e1eaa74899a124967077f1f1cf14f4f3</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>2016</creationdate><topic>Attitudes</topic><topic>Children</topic><topic>Citizenship</topic><topic>Cultural change</topic><topic>Cultural identity</topic><topic>Diaspora</topic><topic>German history</topic><topic>German language</topic><topic>Language culture relationship</topic><topic>Language history</topic><topic>National identity</topic><topic>Patriotism</topic><topic>Politics</topic><topic>Reported speech</topic><topic>Terminology</topic><topic>War</topic><topic>World War I</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Maxwell, Alexander</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Davis, Sacha E.</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>ABI/INFORM Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central UK/Ireland</collection><collection>ProQuest One Literature</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Essentials</collection><collection>ProQuest Central</collection><collection>Business Premium Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest One Community College</collection><collection>Literature Online Core (LION Core) (legacy)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Korea</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Student</collection><collection>Research Library Prep</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><collection>ProQuest Business Collection</collection><collection>ABI/INFORM Professional Advanced</collection><collection>ProQuest One Literature - U.S. Customers Only</collection><collection>ABI/INFORM Trade &amp; Industry</collection><collection>Research Library</collection><collection>Research Library (Corporate)</collection><collection>ProQuest Learning: Literature</collection><collection>Literature Online Premium (LION Premium) (legacy)</collection><collection>ProQuest One Business</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic Eastern Edition (DO NOT USE)</collection><collection>Literature Online (LION) - US Customers Only</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic UKI Edition</collection><collection>Literature Online (LION)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Basic</collection><jtitle>German studies review</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Maxwell, Alexander</au><au>Davis, Sacha E.</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>Germanness beyond Germany: Collective Identity in German Diaspora Communities</atitle><jtitle>German studies review</jtitle><date>2016-02-01</date><risdate>2016</risdate><volume>39</volume><issue>1</issue><spage>1</spage><epage>15</epage><pages>1-15</pages><issn>0149-7952</issn><issn>2164-8646</issn><eissn>2164-8646</eissn><abstract>Speaking of "collective identity" or "German identity" poses terminological problems. Inga Scharf argued that "German national identity appears to be too impossibly contradictory or paradoxical to be spoken of with any ease,"1 and the problem lies not only with the complexities of Germanness, but also with the word "identity." In an influential article, Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper have shown that some scholars use the term to discuss both individuals and collectives; to discuss both something claimed for oneself and something externally attributed; and to discuss both something fluid, contextual, and contingent, and something solid, immutable, and enduring.2 Confusion results from the use of the same word for both halves of so many mutually exclusive binaries, though some scholars apparently underestimate the danger. Hans-Jochen Gamm's study of "German identities," for example, declared that "collective identities are apparently natural and for this reason require no further explanation," though Gamm also offered several "clarifications."3 While we have used the term "identity," we take Brubaker and Cooper's criticism seriously. We treat Germanness as something collective rather than individual. While we and our contributors examine Germanness both as something self-proclaimed and as something externally ascribed, we mostly emphasize self-understandings. Finally, we see Germanness as neither immutable nor ephemeral, but durably constructed within a given social and historical context. Informed by Brubaker's analysis of "groupism,"4 we place our emphasis on "Germanness" as a "category of practice," that is, as historical actors imagined and experienced it. Several scholars analyze Germanness with reference to the state or states governing the core German ethnoterritory. Françoise Knopper and Alain Ruiz, for example, argued that the cold war division of Europe, and particularly the creation of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, illustrate "significant difficulties in defining the German identity."5 [Louis L. Snyder] thought Bismarck responsible for the "subservience, discipline, and respect for authority" that "when added to other characteristics, gave the German national character in the late nineteenth century a special quality of its own." He also declared that postwar West Germany embodied "the new German character."6 James Sperling similarly suggested that "American, British, and West German policy makers cooperated in forging a new German national identity that was liberal, democratic, irrevocably tied to the West and anti-Communist."7 Mark Blacksell even claimed that the Kaiserreich (imperial Germany), the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German Democratic Republic all "purported to represent all Germany and embrace a single national identity," and thus that all these states "fostered German identity."8 Others, including Friedrich Meinicke, Jürgen Habermas, and Rogers Brubaker, have explored Germanness in studies of legal citizenship.9 Cultural history and Alltagsgeschichte approaches have decentered the German state further. Scholars have emphasized that notions of "Germanness" also influence everyday habits and customs, even in the most banal and apparently apolitical situations. German patriots have, for example, pondered how eating and drinking, surely among the most universal human activities, might be done in a "German" way.17 Albert Rimmer, writing about "the art of cooking in Germany," argued in 1844 that "there is no reason why palates and bellies should be any less national than human heads and education."18 Such ideas ultimately had political consequences. In the final years of the Habsburg monarchy, Austrian German journals were nationalizing Bohemia's German breweries so that patriotic readers would know which beers were truly German.19 During the First World War, Hans Liemert even sought to Germanize the courtesies of the table by suggesting that Germans respond to "Bon Appetit" with a quotation from Goethe: "Hab Appetit auch ohne das! (I have an appetite even without that!)"20 Robert Chickering similarly found in his study of the Pan-German League that some German patriots came to prefer certain consumer products, including not only food but soap: "patriotic obligation extended to what Pan-Germans ate, smoked and smeared on their bodies."21 Nor did the Germanization of everyday life confine itself to patriot men: Nancy Reagin noted that middle-class Germans ascribed "German" qualities to women's work, such as housekeeping.22 Bryan Ganaway also found that attitudes to Germanness shaped the consumption of children's toys, at least among Germany's middle classes.23 Other scholars have contrasted "diasporas" with the related concept of "transnationalism." Thomas Faist, for example, differentiates "diasporas" from "transnational communities," suggesting that "transnational communities encompass diasporas; however not all transnational communities are diasporas."49 Peggy Levitt concurred, suggesting that "diasporas form out of the transnational communities."50 José Itzigsohn and Silvia Giorguli Saucedo, meanwhile, distinguished between "broad" and "narrow" transnationalism.51 The blizzard of definitions has driven some recent scholars to emphasize the discursive nature of the term "diaspora" itself.52 [James Clifford], for example, suggested that diasporas be studied as "identifications, not identities, acts of relationship rather than pre-given forms."53 In diaspora studies, as in the study of "identity," analytical terminology has evidently become an object of study in its own right. We use the term "diaspora" without defending any particular definition. Some German communities beyond the core German ethnoterritory may qualify as a diaspora according to some definitions; others may fail to qualify according to oth - ers, and since German communities evolve over time, they therefore theoretically acquire or lose the status of a "true" diaspora over time, according to any particular definition. Either way, our primary concern is Germanness: this project highlights the varied, polycentric nature of communities in what can, even if only as a shorthand, be called the German diaspora.</abstract><cop>Baltimore</cop><pub>Johns Hopkins University Press</pub><doi>10.1353/gsr.2016.0016</doi><tpages>15</tpages></addata></record>
fulltext fulltext
identifier ISSN: 0149-7952
ispartof German studies review, 2016-02, Vol.39 (1), p.1-15
issn 0149-7952
2164-8646
2164-8646
language eng
recordid cdi_proquest_journals_1787916833
source Jstor Complete Legacy
subjects Attitudes
Children
Citizenship
Cultural change
Cultural identity
Diaspora
German history
German language
Language culture relationship
Language history
National identity
Patriotism
Politics
Reported speech
Terminology
War
World War I
title Germanness beyond Germany: Collective Identity in German Diaspora Communities
url https://sfx.bib-bvb.de/sfx_tum?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&ctx_tim=2025-01-19T10%3A43%3A21IST&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&url_ctx_fmt=infofi/fmt:kev:mtx:ctx&rfr_id=info:sid/primo.exlibrisgroup.com:primo3-Article-jstor_proqu&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.atitle=Germanness%20beyond%20Germany:%20Collective%20Identity%20in%20German%20Diaspora%20Communities&rft.jtitle=German%20studies%20review&rft.au=Maxwell,%20Alexander&rft.date=2016-02-01&rft.volume=39&rft.issue=1&rft.spage=1&rft.epage=15&rft.pages=1-15&rft.issn=0149-7952&rft.eissn=2164-8646&rft_id=info:doi/10.1353/gsr.2016.0016&rft_dat=%3Cjstor_proqu%3E24809055%3C/jstor_proqu%3E%3Curl%3E%3C/url%3E&disable_directlink=true&sfx.directlink=off&sfx.report_link=0&rft_id=info:oai/&rft_pqid=1787916833&rft_id=info:pmid/&rft_jstor_id=24809055&rfr_iscdi=true