Role of test motivation in intelligence testing

Intelligence tests are widely assumed to measure maximal intellectual performance, and predictive associations between intelligence quotient (IQ) scores and later-life outcomes are typically interpreted as unbiased estimates of the effect of intellectual ability on academic, professional, and social...

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Veröffentlicht in:Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences - PNAS 2011-05, Vol.108 (19), p.7716-7720
Hauptverfasser: Duckworth, Angela Lee, Quinn, Patrick D, Lynam, Donald R, Loeber, Rolf, Stouthamer-Loeber, Magda
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container_end_page 7720
container_issue 19
container_start_page 7716
container_title Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences - PNAS
container_volume 108
creator Duckworth, Angela Lee
Quinn, Patrick D
Lynam, Donald R
Loeber, Rolf
Stouthamer-Loeber, Magda
description Intelligence tests are widely assumed to measure maximal intellectual performance, and predictive associations between intelligence quotient (IQ) scores and later-life outcomes are typically interpreted as unbiased estimates of the effect of intellectual ability on academic, professional, and social life outcomes. The current investigation critically examines these assumptions and finds evidence against both. First, we examined whether motivation is less than maximal on intelligence tests administered in the context of low-stakes research situations. Specifically, we completed a meta-analysis of random-assignment experiments testing the effects of material incentives on intelligence-test performance on a collective 2,008 participants. Incentives increased IQ scores by an average of 0.64 SD, with larger effects for individuals with lower baseline IQ scores. Second, we tested whether individual differences in motivation during IQ testing can spuriously inflate the predictive validity of intelligence for life outcomes. Trained observers rated test motivation among 251 adolescent boys completing intelligence tests using a 15-min "thin-slice" video sample. IQ score predicted life outcomes, including academic performance in adolescence and criminal convictions, employment, and years of education in early adulthood. After adjusting for the influence of test motivation, however, the predictive validity of intelligence for life outcomes was significantly diminished, particularly for nonacademic outcomes. Collectively, our findings suggest that, under low-stakes research conditions, some individuals try harder than others, and, in this context, test motivation can act as a third-variable confound that inflates estimates of the predictive validity of intelligence for life outcomes.
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The current investigation critically examines these assumptions and finds evidence against both. First, we examined whether motivation is less than maximal on intelligence tests administered in the context of low-stakes research situations. Specifically, we completed a meta-analysis of random-assignment experiments testing the effects of material incentives on intelligence-test performance on a collective 2,008 participants. Incentives increased IQ scores by an average of 0.64 SD, with larger effects for individuals with lower baseline IQ scores. Second, we tested whether individual differences in motivation during IQ testing can spuriously inflate the predictive validity of intelligence for life outcomes. Trained observers rated test motivation among 251 adolescent boys completing intelligence tests using a 15-min "thin-slice" video sample. 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subjects Academic achievement
adolescence
Adolescent
adolescents
adulthood
Bias
boys
cognition
Criminal motive
Educational incentives
employment
Humans
Intelligence
Intelligence quotient
Intelligence tests
Intelligence Tests - statistics & numerical data
Male
Meta-analysis
Models, Psychological
Motivation
Motivation research
Psychological reinforcement
Social Sciences
Statistical variance
Test Taking Skills - psychology
Validity
title Role of test motivation in intelligence testing
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